Music blog

Music news and views

Introduction

We have around 100,000 pieces of manuscript music, 1.6 million items of printed music and 2 million music recordings! This blog features news and information about these rich collections. It is written by our music curators, cataloguers and reference staff, with occasional pieces from guest contributors. Read more

05 July 2019

The Susan Bradshaw Papers: Archive of an Insightful Communicator

The archive of Susan Bradshaw (1931-2005) is now catalogued and available for consultation in the Library’s Rare Books and Music Reading Room. Proceeds from the British Library's purchase of the archive went towards the Royal Philharmonic Society's establishment of the Susan Bradshaw Composers’ Fund, as arranged by Brian Elias, composer and Bradshaw's close friend.

Susan Bradshaw at the piano_MS Mus.1755-6-1
Susan Bradshaw, London, September 1971. © Unknown photographer
(BL MS Mus. 1755/6/1, f. 30)

Susan Bradshaw pianist, teacher and writer on music, was born in Monmouth on 8 September 1931. After spending time in India and Egypt during her childhood, where her father’s work in the army had taken their family, Bradshaw embarked on learning piano and violin. She later studied at the Royal Academy of Music with Harold Craxton (piano) and Howard Ferguson (composition). Then, in 1957, Bradshaw seized the chance to expand her musical world, taking up a French Government Scholarship to study composition with modernist figurehead, Pierre Boulez, and Max Deutsch in Paris.

Bradshaw’s student ID card_MS Mus.1755-4-3
One of Susan Bradshaw’s student ID cards for her French Government Scholarship year
(BL MS Mus. 1755/4/3, f. 259)

That year in France proved a catalyst for melding musical partnerships and alliances. Bradshaw formed a piano duo with her close friend Richard Rodney Bennett, and the Mabillon Trio with Philip Jones (oboe) and William Bennett (flute). However, the year in France signalled the decline of her activity as a composer, and on her return to the UK, Bradshaw moved her energy to accompaniment and performance.

Bradshaw was an ardent advocate of new music. She helped contemporary composers by including them in ensemble programming, promoting new works with first performances and using broadcasts to share what she recognised as important and progressive about such music. Concert ephemera, cuttings from radio show advertisements and draft programme scripts in her papers record her efforts and enthusiasm.

Composers’ Guild of Great Britain award_MS Mus.1755-4-4
The Composers’ Guild of Great Britain presented Susan Bradshaw with a special award of Instrumentalist of the Year, for her services to the music of living British composers. (BL MS Mus. 1755/4/4, f. 209)

Inside Bradshaw’s Archive

Bradshaw’s archive reflects the breadth of her own musical experience and contains:

  • Draft scores of over thirty of Bradshaw’s compositions, largely from the period 1951-1958
  • Drafts of her writings on music, on individual composers/works/musical aesthetics
  • A collection of printed materials compiled by Bradshaw into composer information files
  • Scrapbooks and collected programmes, tracing Bradshaw’s musical career
  • Select correspondence from composers and friends
  • A box of 60th birthday tributes: musical compositions, letters and cards
  • Publicity photographs and documents relating to her wider musical involvements.
The Mabillon Trio by Milein Cosman_1755-4-3
The Mabillon Trio, drawn by Milein Cosman (Susan Bradshaw, piano; Philip Jones, oboe; William Bennet, flute). (BL MS Mus. 1755/4/3, f. 3: Mabillon Trio programme)

Related Resources at the British Library

Many items in the British Library Sound Archive complement and enhance the vibrant resource of Bradshaw’s paper archive. Examples include:

  • A recording of Bradshaw’s Eight Hungarian Folksongs, broadcast on BBC Radio 3 in 1978. Catalogue reference: M7663.
  • Susan Bradshaw’s talk with recorded illustrations, In search of Pierre Boulez, given at the National Sound Archive in their Spring Lectures, 1985. Catalogue reference: B627/1.
  • A recording of an event dedicated to the music and literary work of Lord Berners, Lord Berners: an entertainment in words and music, 1972. Susan Bradshaw and John Betjeman both performed at this. Catalogue reference: T706, M5087.
  • William Bennett and Susan Bradshaw performing Boulez’s Sonatine for flute and piano. Catalogue reference: 2LP0048923; 1LP0073897.

Translating the ‘Shapes and Sounds’ of Composers’ Imaginings [1]

Bradshaw was well-positioned to act as a mediator between composers and audiences. She had a deep understanding of musical composition, performance and analysis, and used her knowledge of all three to interpret the works she encountered and to bring composers’ imaginings to life. Bradshaw believed that these three strands of musical endeavour were inter-related, and mutually nourishing. She appreciated that each was essential for advanced musical understanding, and furthermore, that the true product of this understanding was the communication of meaning. Whether that communication was musical (in performance), linguistic (for example, in academic writing), or pedagogical, Bradshaw saw the need to balance emotional experience with enquiry:

Passionate involvement precedes – must precede – cool appraisal; but when narcissistic pleasure starts to cancel out enquiry, when the sense of striving to understand and to reveal ceases to be the outcome of delight, when wonder becomes complacency, then great art becomes commonplace in the mind of the beholder and creation and recreation lapse into mere repetition. [2]

Bradshaw’s influence on the musical world can be seen in the archive. To trace it, one might begin with her scrapbook programmes (signalling, for example, her involvement with the Darmstadt International Summer Courses) and move to the exchange of ideas with fellow musicians in her correspondence, before visiting the vividly-expressed opinions in her writings.

New Ways of Hearing: “Untuning the Tempered Scale” [3]

The catastrophic destruction brought about by two world wars permeated all aspects of social existence; many composers felt that the old musical systems were inadequate for the development of the art. In a parallel to the destruction of societal structures through war, it was as if the hierarchies of the diatonic tonal system had to be broken down also. Composers looked to expand the resources available to them – the boundaries between music and noise blurred, and the number of notes in the conventional system increased with experiments in microtonality.

As musical modernism turned from the tradition of western diatonic tonality, it wrenched audiences from their familiar sound worlds. To the modernist composers, the rules and patterns of diatonic harmony represented predictability and constraint. Bradshaw’s broadcasting demonstrates her use of radio as a medium to promote modern music but also to challenge audiences to question the nature of listening: Why do we listen to music? What function does it have in our lives? She strove to help listeners navigate contemporary music, pointing out features and techniques, and highlighting composers’ search for truth in music.

As an individual whose influence and reach in the contemporary classical music scene was extensive, and well-evidenced in her archive, it is fitting for her papers to sit alongside those of many composers and musicians who so appreciated her support, here at the British Library.

 

Sarah Ellis, Archivist and Cataloguer of the Susan Bradshaw Papers (MS Mus. 1755)

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[1] Susan Bradshaw, untitled (London, British Library, MS Mus. 1755/2/3, f. 152, undated).

[2] Susan Bradshaw, draft letter to the editor of Music Analysis journal (London, British Library, MS Mus 1755/2/3 ff. 45-46, undated).

[3] Susan Bradshaw, untitled (London, British Library, MS Mus. 1755/2/3, f. 152, undated).

26 June 2019

Scratch Music

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Scratch Music I Scratch Music II

This is music for a scratch orchestra - this is Scratch Music!

On Tuesday 9 July we are holding an event exploring some of the musical scores created for and by The Scratch Orchestra. We are very pleased indeed to welcome several of the founding members of the ensemble, Michael Parsons, Howard Skempton and Carole Finer. They will be sharing some of their insights, and personal experiences of composing and performing in the group with Late Junction’s Max Reinhardt. Before that, Dr Jane Alden will introduce examples of the scores, and help us understand them in the context of experimental music making in the 1960s and 70s. What's more, there will also be plenty of opportunity to hear the sounds they represent, as pieces are performed in the foyer of the Knowledge Centre by the Vocal Constructivisits before, during and after the event - you will even have a chance to try things out for yourself!

Scratch orchestra scores-full spread
Compositions and Scratch Music

 

It’s 50 years this year since the Scratch Orchestra was founded, initiated in part by a rather ostentatious ‘draft constitution’ published by Cornelius Cardew in the pages of The Musical Times (the June 1969 issue). In that he set out a vision for an ensemble that would pool the resources (not necessarily, or even primarily, musical) of a large number of enthusiasts: “assembling for action (music-making, performance, edification)”. It grew out of the experimental music class that Cardew taught at Morley College, and it aimed for a democratic approach to music making, where trained musicians and people from non-musical backgrounds could take part in performances on an equal footing. The idea certainly attracted people from a range of different backgrounds, including visual artists, dancers and writers. Indeed many of the scores are striking as visual art works in their own right; some even create musical pieces that don’t involve sound!

 

Finer Magic Carpet
Part of Carole Finer's 'Magic Carpet', 1971.

 

Much of this built on movements in experimental music at the time, especially the work of John Cage, Christian Wolff, Karlheinz Stockhausen (at least in part - his text score for Aus den Sieben Tagen, for example) and the cross-disciplinary, performance-art work of the Fluxus community. But it was perhaps the democratic, communal and slightly anarchic element in the Scratch that made it distinctive, especially in the context of Britain at the time. They appeared (thanks to Victor Schonfeld’s ‘Music Now’ concert series) at the Queen Elizabeth Hall, and even at the Proms in 1972, but they also visited village halls, arts centres and civic buildings up and down the country. They received a call from the police (and perhaps more significantly the local press) in Newcastle, who were reacting to and, presumably inadvertently, realising Greg Bright’s Sweet FA which instructed performers to “act as obscenely as you can until the authorities arrive” - this eventually grew into a Scratch Orchestra opera, also called Sweet FA, that told the story of those events.

Ultimately the Scratch Orchestra was relatively short-lived, but its influence and something of its ethos have lived on into the present day. Several of the scores and pieces are now iconic examples of their kind – not least Cardew’s own The Great Learning, but also Howard Skempton’s Drum No. 1 and John White’s Drinking and Hooting Machine. The list of names involved with the group at different times is equally impressive: from Cardew himself, to Howard Skempton, Michael Nyman, Brian Eno, Gavin Bryars, John Tilbury, and Tom Phillips.  

 

Great Learning Ode Machine 2
Part of 'Ode Machine 2' from The Great Learning, by Cornelius Cardew

 

Knowledge of the Scratch Orchestra will live on in the form of the archive it leaves behind - albeit in a way that is missing the crucial lived experience of what it was like to be there and take part. Here at the British Library we have an extensive collection of material relating to Cornelius Cardew in particular, including:

  • 48 volumes of manuscript scores from all periods in his life (Add MS 70727-70774)
  • sketches for some of the ‘Ode Machines’ that formed part of The Great Learning (Add MS 59799)
  • five notebooks and some loose manuscript leaves (MS Mus. 1741)

We also have a substantial set of papers currently being catalogued as MS Mus. 1817 (an update on that to follow soon…). This includes correspondence from throughout Cardew’s life, but especially around the time of the Scratch Orchestra.

In addition to all that, the Sound & Vision collections here have a number of interviews with former members of the Scratch Orchestra, all full of fascinating insights into the realities of the group.

In the end questions about the nature of these scores - how they convey musical ideas, and how they are interpreted - also raise more, even more fundamental, considerations about what it means to compose music, what a musical work is, and what parameters can be ‘fixed’ and conveyed for others to interpret. The Scratch’s democratic approach to communicating ideas, and empowering everyone to explore sound, seems to get to the heart of this ideas.

So, come along on the 9th July to find out more!

 

 

23 May 2019

Music notetaking and composers' thematic catalogues in the 18th century

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The Library’s current exhibition Writing: Making Your Mark features a famous Music collection item in the sub-section on Notetakers in the People and Writing section: Mozart’s catalogue of his own works, listing works he composed between 1784 and 1791 ─ just weeks before his death (Zweig MS 63). The manuscript is titled: Verzeichnüss aller meiner Werke vom Monath Febrario 1784 bis Monath 1…  (Catalogue of all my works from the month February 1784 until the month 1…)

The catalogue was used as a notebook by Mozart for recording his music compositions, which he even carried with him when he travelled. Apart from the dates and titles Mozart also recorded other information about the works he listed, such as the instrumentation, the movements they consisted of, performers they were written for or first performed by, dedicatees, dates of first performances and other details.

The entries for each work listed were written on two pages. On the left-hand page Mozart would list the year, month, and even day a work was completed, in addition to the title of the work and any associated information. On the right-hand page he would write the opening bars of music for the corresponding entry on the left-hand page. The music was noted in order to aid the identification of each work, as most works had generic titles such as aria, sonata, quartet etc. making it impossible to distinguish between them from their titles alone. Even today it remains standard practice for scholars compiling composers’ thematic catalogues retrospectively, to record the opening bars of each musical work wherever possible. In addition, composers’ thematic catalogues today also include a unique identifier for each musical work, which for Mozart’s works, whose thematic catalogue was compiled by Ludwig von Köchel (1800-1877), consists of the letter K. from Köchel’s surname plus a number.

Each page in Mozart’s catalogue usually listed five works. The music for each work was written on two staves. In manuscript music notation staves were drawn using a tool called rastrum (plural rastra), which was a five-nibbed pen that was used for centuries for drawing music staves on paper. There also existed multi-nibbed rastra for drawing multiple staves at once.

The image below shows the pages that are currently on display at the Writing: Making Your Mark exhibition, which list entries for works composed between 16 December 1785 and 10 March 1786, namely Mozart’s Piano Concerto, K.482; his comic opera Der Schauspieldirector, K.486; his Piano Concerto K.488; a duet for the revised version of his opera Idomeneo, K.489; and two vocal pieces also for the revised version of Idomeneo, K.490.

Two pages from Mozart's thematic catalogue
British Library Zweig MS 63, f. 6v-7r

Also shown here are entries made a few years later, between December 1788 and April 1789 for comparison (f. 20v-21r). Note the slight difference in ink colour for each entry which reflects the difference in time of writing, and also the less carefull or hastier appearance of Mozart’s handwriting. The entries here are for his 12 Minuets for Orchestra, K.568; the aria Ohne Zwang, aus eignem Triebe, K.569 (a lost work); The Piano Sonata K.570; the 6 German Dances, K.571, and the Variations for piano on a Minuet by the cellist Jean Pierre Duport, K.573. At the end of the page Mozart also made a note for the arrangement that he made of Handel’s Messiah, K.572.

Two pages from Mozart's thematic catalogue
British Library Zweig MS 63, f. 20v-21r

The manuscript has been digitised and is available to view online on the British Library Digitised Manuscripts: http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Zweig_MS_63 Further information about this manuscript is also available on the British Library Turning the pages: http://www.bl.uk/turning-the-pages/?id=0d3ac4d1-793c-4021-b178-9c666c90f2bc&type=book

Other important items in our collection from this time which complement the one on display are a notebook belonging to Beethoven (Zweig MS 14) and another thematic catalogue in the hand of the composer Luigi Boccherini (Zweig MS 18). Both collection items have been digitised and can also be viewed on Digitised Manuscripts at: http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Zweig_MS_14 and http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?ref=Zweig_MS_18

Beethoven’s notebook was used by him to record his expenses during his trip from Bonn to Vienna in November 1792 where he travelled in order to study with Haydn, and where he was to remain the rest of his life. Beethoven’s handwriting is notoriously difficult to read, especially in his sketches and documents that he kept for his personal use, but scholars have been able to fully transcribe the contents of this impressive volume.

In this notebook the 22-year-old Beethoven listed detailed expenses for food, drinks, clothing and other expenditure incurred during his journey (some of these are written in a different hand) and also after his arrival in Vienna, including expenses for lessons taken with Haydn which can be seen in the image below:

A page from Beethoven's notebook listing expenses
British Library Zweig MS 14, f.5v

There are two further entries in the notebook that mention Haydn. In the image below the last two lines that are written in pencil list expenses for coffee, presumably during a music lesson: ‘Kaffee 6 x für haidn und mich’ i.e. ‘Coffee 6 x [6 kreutzer] for Haydn and myself’. How extraordinary to have a record of Beethoven and Haydn discussing music over coffee!

A page from Beethoven's notebook listing expenses
British Library Zweig MS 14, f.10r

The final collection item shown here is another partial thematic catalogue of works written by the composer Luigi Boccherini (1743-1805).

The first page of Boccherini's autograph thematic catalogue
British Library Zweig MS 18

In contrast to the previous two collection items which were created for personal use this is an official business document, stamped at the top and accompanied by a notarial certificate. The catalogue was prepared as part of Boccherini’s dealings with the publisher Ignace Pleyel (1757-1831) in 1796. Pleyel had demanded Boccherini draw up this legal document in order to secure himself as the rightful owner and publisher of the works listed in the catalogue which Boccherini had sold to him. This document was meant to secure his exclusive rights to publish Boccherini’s works, as piracy in music publishing was not uncommon in the 18th century.

Here too Boccherini lists the opening bars of each work, though as this is not a personal document it lacks further details about works as we find in Mozart’s thematic catalogue. Note that opera (plural opere) in Italian means work, so opera 44 in the first entry means work no.44.

These three collection items, which where created only years apart, are unique examples of records that composers made in the 18th century in order to manage their professional affairs, whether these were for personal or official use. Composers’ thematic catalogues in particular are also invaluable today for the identification and dating of composers’ works.

Loukia Drosopoulou, Curator, Music

 

Further reading:

Mozart’s Thematic Catalogue: a facsimile. Introduction and transcription by Albi Rosenthal & Alan Tyson (London: British Library, 1990).

Dagmar von Busch-Weise, ‘Beethoven’s Jugendtagebuch: mit Tafel’, in Studien zur Musikwissenschaft, 25 Bd., Festschrift für Erich Schenk (1962), pp. 68-88.

Marco Mangani and Federica Rovelli, ‘Boccherini’s Thematic Catalogues: a reappraisal’, in Understanding Boccherini’s Manuscripts, ed. Rudolf Rasch (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2014), pp. 109-128.

Arthur Searle, The British Library Stefan Zweig Collection. Catalogue of the Music Manuscripts (London: British Library, 1999).

 

17 February 2019

‘For Jean on her Birthday’: Vaughan Williams’s String Quartet in A minor

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Ralph Vaughan Williams’ inscription 'For Jean on her Birthday’ on the autograph score of his String Quartet No.2
'For Jean on her Birthday’: Ralph Vaughan Williams’ inscription on the autograph score of his String Quartet No. 2 (MS Mus. 1842/1).

Seventy-six years ago today, a remarkable present arrived for Jean Stewart’s birthday: the first two movements, in manuscript, of a string quartet, newly composed and dedicated to her. ‘Alas – the scherzo refuses to materialize and will have to wait for next birthday!’ read the accompanying message, signed ‘Uncle Ralph’. [1]   And Ralph Vaughan Williams kept his word: he actually completed the third and fourth movements of the work, his String Quartet no. 2 in A minor, before 1943 was out.

The opening of the first movement of Ralph Vaughan Williams' String Quartet No.2
The viola, Jean Stewart’s instrument, opens the first movement (MS Mus. 1842/1). 
String Quartet (No. 2) in A minor by Ralph Vaughan Williams © Oxford University Press 1947. Reproduced by permission. All rights reserved.

Jean Stewart (afterwards Hadley) was a violist, and had come to know Vaughan Williams through Ursula Wood, her close friend and later the composer’s second wife. Stewart had played under Vaughan Williams’s baton in the Leith Hill Festival Orchestra, and also in the first performance of his Double String Trio, an early incarnation of the Partita for Double String Orchestra, in 1938.  Three years later she joined the Menges Quartet, which the violinist Isolde Menges had founded in 1931, and it was this ensemble that Vaughan Williams had in mind when he wrote his Second String Quartet. [2]  The music is not only dedicated to Stewart but written to be played by her: the viola, which opens each movement, is given particular prominence. [3] 

The first four bars of the third movement (Scherzo)
The first four bars of the third movement (Scherzo). In the first bar Vaughan Williams notes the theme’s origin in his music for the 1941 film ‘49th Parallel’ (MS Mus. 1842/1).
© Oxford University Press 1947. Reproduced by permission. All rights reserved.

The Second String Quartet occupies an interesting position in Vaughan Williams’s music, having emerged between the Fifth and Sixth symphonies, with their shockingly different characters. The Fifth Symphony, which had received its première in June 1943, during the quartet’s gestation, is a dappled modal meditation, a Pilgrim’s Progress out of war’s madness towards a refuge of sanity and peace, and it won Vaughan Williams much gratitude.  Michael Kennedy detected some of the same ‘sustained rapture’ in the Quartet, which he saw (along with the Oboe Concerto of 1944) as a ‘satellite’ [4] or a ‘side-shoot’ of the symphony. [5]  Yet the Quartet can also ‘be seen to share the same mood’ as the Sixth Symphony – a remorseless, vein-freezing utterance astonishingly unlike the Fifth – which was begun the following year: Jeffrey Richards perceives a ‘bleak, anguished and jagged’ character in the first three movements, though they do not make quite the same terrifying plunge as the symphony into a world of rage and ruin from which, even as we listen, the last of beauty is wrenched away.  It is also significant that in the score of the Scherzo Vaughan Williams explicitly notes his re-use of a theme originally written for the war film ‘49th Parallel’, specifically for scenes in which the Nazis appear. [6] This is not an untroubled soundscape, and yet the Epilogue – marked ‘Greetings from Joan to Jean’ because of its origin in music for an abandoned film about St. Joan of Arc – is rest and benediction. [7]  If the Fifth is Vaughan Williams’ symphony of consolation, and the Sixth his symphony of desolation, the string quartet lies bittersweetly in between.

Bars 20-22 from the first movement
First movement, bars 20-22 (MS Mus. 1842/1).
© Oxford University Press 1947. Reproduced by permission. All rights reserved.

‘I am longing to get my teeth into it & for you to come & hear it with the [Menges] Quartet, and then to work it & really get to know it,’ Stewart had written to Vaughan Williams on receiving the final two movements. ‘Oh we are going to have a great time with “my” Quartet bless you!’ [8] The Second String Quartet was heard privately at the White Gates, Vaughan Williams’s house in Dorking, in July 1944, and then given its first public performance by the Menges Quartet on the 12th October that year: Jean Stewart’s present to the composer on his birthday. [9]  (The occasion of the première was one of the lunchtime concerts at the National Gallery organised by Myra Hess and Howard Ferguson, which ran from the outbreak of war in 1939 until 1946). [10]  After some revisions, and including, at Vaughan Williams’ request, the musicians’ markings, the score was published in 1947 by the Oxford University Press (with the dedication ‘For Jean on her Birthday’ clearly stated, as instructed by the composer). [11]

Letter by Vaughan Williams to Jean Stewart
Vaughan Williams writing to Stewart in around 1947: ‘I want it set out as String [Quartet] in A minor (“For Jean on her birthday”)’ (MS Mus. 1842/2)
Reproduced by permission of the Vaughan Williams Charitable Trust.

The British Library has been looking after the manuscript score for some years, but has recently been enabled to purchase it outright, thanks to a generous financial contribution by the Vaughan Williams Charitable Trust. The manuscript (MS Mus. 1842) now belongs to the nation – but of course it shall always remain Jean Stewart’s birthday present. ‘Without exaggeration this Quartet is the most lovely thing that has happened to me in my life,’ was her verdict, ‘& it will continue to be a joy to me as long as I live’. [12]  It is a special manuscript to have in the Collections. 

 

Dominic Newman

Manuscripts Cataloguer

 

[1] Letter from Ralph Vaughan Williams to Jean Stewart, 16 February 1943. [http://vaughanwilliams.uk/letter/vwl5158]

[2] Butterworth, Neil, Ralph Vaughan Williams: A Guide to Research (London: Garland, 1990). 4072.280000 vol. 779.

[3] Mark, Christopher, ‘Chamber music and works for soloist with orchestra’ in Alain Frogley and Aidan J. Thomson (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Vaughan Williams. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 194.

[4] Kennedy, Michael, The Works of Ralph Vaughan Williams (London: Oxford University Press, 1964), p. 286.

[5] Kennedy, Michael, Fluctuations in the response to the music of Ralph Vaughan Williams in Alain Frogley and Aidan J. Thomson (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Vaughan Williams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), p. 284.

[6] Richards, Jeffrey, Vaughan Williams and British Wartime Cinema in Alain Frogley (ed.), Vaughan Williams Studies (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), p. 151, quoted in Christopher Mark, Chamber music and works for soloist with orchestra in Alain Frogley and Aidan J. Thomson (eds.), The Cambridge Companion to Vaughan Williams (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013).

[7] Mark, Christopher, ibid. p. 194.

[8] Letter from Jean Stewart to RVW, 18 December 1943. [http://vaughanwilliams.uk/letter/vwl182]

[9] Letter from Ralph Vaughan Williams to Jean Stewart, (undated; July 1944?). [http://vaughanwilliams.uk/letter/vwl5085]

[10] Bosman, Suzanne, The National Gallery in Wartime (London: National Gallery, 2008), p.35.

[11] Letter from Ralph Vaughan Williams to Jean Stewart (undated, 1947?). [http://vaughanwilliams.uk/letter/vwl5064]

[12] Letter from Jean Stewart to Ralph Vaughan Williams, 18 December 1943. [http://vaughanwilliams.uk/letter/vwl1824]

16 November 2018

Elisabeth Lutyens: notebooks, letters, and papers

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Nearly a hundred notebooks belonging to Elisabeth Lutyens (1906-1983) arrived at the British Library earlier this year, in several Sainsbury’s bags-for-life (the extra-large ones, ‘strong and study’ as their elephant illustrations proclaim). The little books are uniform in shape, their covers bear the logos of long-lost London stationers, and a small amount of foliage needed teasing out from their spiral bindings. It soon became apparent that they date from the final two decades of Lutyens’s life: the earliest (1962-3) include plans for a memorial concert for her second husband, the once-influential impresario, conductor, and broadcaster Edward Clark, while the shaky handwriting of the later books offers a stark testimony of her worsening arthritis. While these materials have previously been accessed by a handful of scholars, their forthcoming listing on the British Library’s catalogue will make their contents available to many more future researchers – the same is true of the substantial collection of Lutyens’s correspondence and miscellaneous papers, also now housed at the British Library.[i] This post gives a few glimpses into these notebooks, letters, and papers.

Notebooks laid out on a table

Broadly speaking, the notebooks contain an unpredictable mix of professional and personal notes. There are detailed ideas and jottings for new pieces;[ii] notes for lectures, talks, and for chapters of her 1972 autobiography; and scribbled draft letters to colleagues – where legibility tends to vary according to temperament. But in equal measure there are shopping lists that provide both mundane details of groceries and tantalising insights into Lutyens as hostess (a role she relished), as well as numbers, notes, and doodles documenting her busy telephone schedule. Notebooks dating from the time of her relocation from Belsize Park Gardens to King Henry’s Road contain floorplans and furniture layouts – merely functional but suggestive of familial architectural zeal[iii] – while fraught medical notes overleaf from musical jottings serve as more blunt reminders of the life behind the scores. These are not diaries, and are certainly far from the systematic record-keeping bequeathed to future scholars by composers such as Schumann, but their jumbled contents and messy physical presentation (they often require 180-degree reorientation page after page) offer invaluable snapshots into the later life of this major figure of twentieth-century music.

A page from one of Lutyens's notebooks
Lutyens’s famously colourful personality, as well as her quick wit (and temper), are reflected throughout the collection.[iv] Equally striking, though, are the numerous instances of long, persuasive letters about musical causes she deemed important. For instance, she led a petition to obtain a Civil List pension for composer Priaulx Rainier; and she objected at length to the BBC’s meagre commissioning fees, citing the comparatively generous pay of composing for film scores (which she did for many years to support her family) and warning against the erosion of composers’ rights. A draft letter to William Glock, with whom she had a long and complex professional relationship, demonstrates her commitment to obtaining proper performance conditions for a new work: drafted over 13 pages, she threatened to withdraw The Essence of our Happiness, op.69, from the 1970 Proms season if it were not given a ‘good cast’ of performers and sufficient rehearsal. She had no qualms about quibbling with friends in order to promote her music, which remained widely neglected until the mid-1960s (and Glock, in his position as BBC Controller of Music, helped with this considerably). A further strongly-argued letter went to Wilfrid Mellers, voicing objections to his 1965 review of O Saisons, O Châteaux!, Op. 13 (1946), following its premiere recording. Later, Mellers invited Lutyens to the only university teaching position of her career, at his York music department in 1975-6; there is extensive correspondence between the two dating from this later period.

  A page from one of Lutyens's notebooks A page from one of Lutyens's notebooks

While this collection will contribute to the better understanding of a composer whose music has undoubtedly suffered neglect owing to her gender, it is important not to omit Lutyens's own complicated personal politics and reactionary opinions, which also surface regularly. As early as the 1930s a correspondent pleaded for Lutyens to reconsider her anti-Semitic prejudices, while numerous off-cuff remarks demonstrate her well-documented suspicions about the prominence of gay men in artistic circles. In a draft for her autobiography, she wrote: ‘I, for one, am tired of queers’ quartets and sodomite symphonies, and their hareem of supporters, critics and sycophants (not the music itself, if good, but the edifice of a mutual admiration society supporting it)’.[v] So too we find countless protestations against being labelled a female composer, and a pointed refusal to support causes that promoted women in music and the wider arts (she was, however, clearly impressed by her militant suffragette aunt, Lady Constance Lytton, and appeared briefly in the 1951 documentary To Be a Woman, for which she arranged Ethel Smyth's March of the Women for percussion ensemble). Indeed, her writing makes clear the difficulties she faced as a woman ‘in a man’s world’ – apparently George Dyson wouldn’t permit her, or any other women, to teach composition at the Royal College of Music – and she expressed hope that her juggling of domestic responsibilities, wage-earning, and composing would provide a positive role-model for her daughters and for future generations of women.

More frivolous notebook leaves lead us to a different corner of Lutyens’s mind. Five sides of a notebook, likely dating from 1969, contain jottings based on a doodled female nude. The title is ‘Prisms’, although a crossed-out alternative reads ‘Cherchez la femme, for piano’.[vi] The images below are fairly self-explanatory, and there is no obvious manifestation of ‘Prisms’ in Lutyens’s published work – while there is some gestural regiment affixed to body parts, it is far from her usual rigorous serial technique. Such are the unexpected pleasures of archives!

Jottings based on a doodled female nudePrisms

Several notebooks, and two further Sainsbury’s bags of A4 drafts, plans, and notes relate to Lutyens’s autobiography, A Goldfish Bowl (earlier drafts are titled ‘From Here to Maternity’, while a later version offers a hopeful alternative: ‘Why have you got such big ears, Gran’ma?’). Published in 1972 by Cassell’s, the book had a protracted gestation: Lutyens originally proposed a biography of Edward Clark, apparently to be titled ‘The Man who Cared’ or ‘Contact Extraordinary’, in the hope of gaining posthumous recognition for his considerable influence on the musical infrastructure of early twentieth-century Britain (an excerpt of a draft chapter plan is pictured below), but she was advised to incorporate this into an autobiography of her own.[vii] While writing came easily to Lutyens, her early plans for 52 chapters had to be compressed into 15, and once the manuscript was complete, further months were lost dealing with a lengthy report from the publisher’s legal department. Outraged at the suggestion that numerous passages might land the firm with hefty libel suits, Lutyens upset the lawyers with a 28-page list of her objections.

Fragment from one of Lutyens's notebooks

A page from one of Lutyens's notebooks  A page from one of Lutyens's notebooks

The 600-plus individual correspondents in Lutyens’s collection of letters are testament to her remarkably wide-reaching professional and personal networks. The contents of the letters also give an impression of her outward-facing persona, as they were sometimes multiply drafted and reworked in notebooks before being typed or neatly copied - the prose considered and (sometimes) carefully calculated. A short roll call of memorable musical correspondents is indicative of her connectedness: Alwyn, Bennett, Dallapiccola, Finnissy, Gerhard, Glock, Goehr, Lambert, Langridge, Maconchy, Manning, Mellers, Schoenberg-Nono, Pears, Rainier, Rawsthorne, Sargent, Saxton, Scherchen, Smyth, Tavener, Vaughan Williams, Walton, Wood. Beyond the musical world, highlights include postcards from Paolozzi, with whom Lutyens collaborated in the mid-1960s, and letters from Stevie Smith. Notes from Sir Edwin Lutyens to the young ‘Betty’ are preserved along with numerous later enquiries to the composer concerning her father’s vast architectural legacy; meanwhile, abundant letters from maternal relatives and in-laws (Lyttons, Balfours, and Ridleys) shed light upon the fading aristocracy into which she was born.

While reading fragments of correspondence inevitably gives a blinkered view of actual historical situations, there is a lot to be gleaned from viewing musical moments and societies through one person’s archive. For instance, following the premiere of Hans Werner Henze’s opera We Come to the River (The Royal Opera House, 12 July 1976), Lutyens sent William Walton a typically acerbic assessment:

Typed letter to William Walton

On the point of communists, elsewhere Lutyens recounts visiting old friends at a local communist office in Newcastle, who expressed interest in her mining-disaster dramatic scene The Pit (Op. 14, 1947), and suggested they play it at local pit welfare halls. When Lutyens warned they might not appreciate the ‘modern music’, an ex-miner present asked: ‘don’t you think that after two hundred years of capitalist ownership we could stand twenty minutes ‘modern music’?’ Lutyens described herself as ‘always socialist’ and ‘only briefly a communist’, and further opinions on political factions and musical society can be found throughout the papers (notably, in various draft book chapters that cover the infamous slander suit Clark brought against Benjamin Frankel, following accusations that he had mishandled expenses while president of the International Society of Contemporary Music).

Another point of interest is the substantial material, dotted through the decades, that mentions Dartington Summer School – a microcosm of important musical happenings in the mid-late century.[viii]  Lutyens first taught there in 1953, on William Glock’s invitation, and returned many times thereafter. Her student Alison Bauld posted an annotated concert programme from the 1972 summer school – at which time Glock was still director – which should be an interesting read for many:

Annotated concert programme from the 1972 Dartington Summer School

Michael Finnissy sent his well-wishes from Dartington in 1981, halfway through Peter Maxwell Davies’s tenure as director, and commented on the tides of change as well as the idiosyncratic ambience long associated with the Summer School:

Max is quite rightly intent on raising the intellectual tone, certainly the ambience is uncomfortably poised between ‘holiday camp for music enthusiasts’ and ‘hotbed of progressive thought’… whether that can be accommodated by Dartington’s financial status I wouldn’t pretend to know. As you can imagine I would rather be at my desk, Devon is all very well but it’s encrusted with a sort of ‘civilised’ socialising that is inappropriate to the healthy evolution of music… in other words what action there is (the Cold Comfort Farm variety) is too damn slow for me.

Indeed, perhaps the most heated exchange of the collection had its roots at Dartington, where Lutyens had made incendiary comments about her former student Richard Rodney Bennett to her composition class in 1965. Word got back to Bennett, leading to an increasingly bitter and personal chain of letters (Lutyens preserved copies of her replies in certain instances like this, and the discrepancy between her irate scrawl and Bennett’s unflappably beautiful penmanship adds a certain visual thrill to the exchange). They reconciled soon after, and later letters from Bennett are much more jovial.

Relationships with many correspondents lasted decades. A particularly affectionate example is the series of almost 70 letters from Robert Saxton, beginning with his first contact with Lutyens as a young composer and prospective pupil aged ‘16 and a quarter’, and continuing regularly as Saxton continued his studies at Cambridge and began early posts at Oxford. These, along with numerous letters and cards from the young composer’s parents, Jean Infield and Ian Saxton, can now be read in conjunction with the letters received by the Saxtons from Lutyens, which are also housed in the British Library (MS Mus. 1726/2).

Letter by Robert Saxton to Lutyens

Lutyens’s letters, notebooks, and papers will be catalogued as MS Mus. 1841, and join the British Library’s existing collection of her music manuscripts (Add MS 64435-64795) and an earlier batch of correspondence acquired in 1985 (Add MS 71144). 112 years after her birth and 35 since her death, Lutyens is beginning to receive more scholarly attention,[ix] but many of her prized compositions remain unperformed. The listing of this material will facilitate further research, not only into Lutyens but into broad swathes and specific corners of twentieth-century musical life.

Doodles of kangaroos and a self-caricature

 

Frankie Perry is a PhD candidate in musicology at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she is writing a thesis on recent arrangements and reimaginings of nineteenth-century Lieder. She has been at the British Library on a research placement for 3 months, working on the collections of Harrison Birtwistle and Elisabeth Lutyens.

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[i] In particular, Meirion and Susie Harries, A Pilgrim Soul: The Life and Work of Elisabeth Lutyens (London: Faber, 1989), and Rhiannon Mathias, Lutyens, Maconchy, Williams and Twentieth-Century Music (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012).

[ii] Glyn Perrin has recalled that Lutyens tended to plot the overarching shape of works in a notebook, before proceeding to sketch straight into full score.

[iii] Her father was the influential architect Sir Edwin Landseer Lutyens (1869-1944).

[iv] Short reminiscences of her ‘forceful, fiery character’ from her children Rose, Tess, and Conrad, and great-niece Jane Ridley, are indicative: https://www.lutyenstrust.org.uk/portfolio-item/composer-elisabeth-lutyens-daughter-of-edwin/.

[v] This sentence is found in numerous early drafts, handwritten and typed, for a chapter dealing with issues of gender identity and musical society, for the autobiography while still titled ‘From Here to Maternity’.

[vi] A computerised simplification of the doodle, with certain body parts omitted, is given as Appendix 17 in Sarah Tenant-Flowers, A study of style and technique in the music of Elisabeth Lutyens (PhD Diss., Durham 1991).

[vii] For more on Clark, see Annika Forkert, “Always a European’: Edward Clark’s musical work’, Musical Times, 159/1943 (2018), 55-80.

[viii] Thanks to Emily Hoare for sharing with me a list of personnel present each year at the Summer School, 1948-present.

[ix] See, for instance, Annika Forkert, ‘Magical Serialism: Modernist Enchantment in Elisabeth Lutyens’s O Saisons, O Châteaux!’, Twentieth-century Music, 14/2 (2017), 271-303; further work on Lutyens and Clark by Forkert is ongoing.

31 October 2018

Music from beyond: the Rosemary Brown Collection

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This seasonal post takes a look at MS Mus. 1207-1213, the Rosemary Brown Collection, described in the British Library’s catalogue as ‘manuscripts of piano music purportedly received from the spirits of deceased composers’. Rosemary Brown (1916-2001) was a spiritualist from Balham who, during a period of convalescence following an accident at work in the mid-1960s, began to produce reams of music dictated by the spirits of various composers. In her obituary by the composer and musicologist Ian Parrott, she was described as ‘a modest, sincere and utterly genuine musical medium’.[I]

 

Photograph of Rosemary Brown composing music
Rosemary Brown, 1980 [image from https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rosemary_Brown_(spiritualist)]


The British Library’s collection comprises extensive drafts and copies of works ‘inspired by’ canonic composers from Bach to Stravinsky, dating from the mid-1960s to the mid-1980s; the majority are for solo piano and by a handful of frequent visitors – most prominently Liszt (Brown’s favourite), Chopin, Schubert, Schumann, and Rachmaninov. Brown is listed consistently as the principal author, allowing publishers to avoid some esoteric copyright conundrums. Liszt appeared to Brown first, and gradually introduced a small troupe of other composers keen to transcribe their posthumous thoughts onto worldly manuscript paper. In later years, perhaps prompted by Brown’s expanding audience, John Lennon, Fats Waller, and Gracie Fields also made appearances and offered some new songs.

 

Opening page of 'Song for the World' by Gracie Fields/Rosemary Brown
'Song for the World' (Gracie Fields/Rosemary Brown, 1979).

The quality of Brown’s connection with her visitors varied: Robert Schumann, for instance, often appeared fuzzy and crackly, perhaps owing to his own proclivities for reaching into other worlds via table-tipping (Schumann had famously based his last piano work, the Ghost Variations WoO. 24, on a theme dictated to him by the spirits of Schubert and Mendelssohn).[ii] Clara Schumann would sometimes visit, with Brahms in tow, to transmit new piano miniatures by her husband, though sadly offered none of her own music. Affectionate accounts of Brown’s relationships with the composers, along with amusing anecdotes about their characters and appearances, can be found in her three memoirs: Unfinished Symphonies (1971), Immortals at my Elbow (1974), and Look Beyond Today (1986).

Brown claimed to have had minimal musical training, and to have struggled to keep up as the composers attempted ‘automatic writing’ by moving her hands on the keyboard, or as they dictated phrases at considerable speed. The process was painstaking, and the scribbled early versions of compositions in the manuscript collection contain basic memory aids for the workings of musical notation, as well as extensive crossings-out and revisions. Brown caused quite a media stir in the late 1960s and 1970s, and widespread interest from journalists, broadcasters, and musicians led her to appear on radio and television shows – including a delightfully earnest BBC documentary – and meet figures such as Leonard Bernstein, who was impressed by all but one bar of Rachmaninov’s posthumous offerings. She underwent extensive psychiatric tests by international experts, all of whom declared her of sound mind, and even agreed to attempt a supernatural transcription while the BBC recorded: she was unsure whether any composer would agree to work under such pressure, but fortunately Liszt stepped up and produced the rather lovely ‘Grübelei’.

Among Brown’s foremost musicological advocates were Ian Parrott, a professor at Aberystwyth University who wrote a monograph devoted to Brown’s music,[iii] and Sir Donald Francis Tovey, who had once supported Jelly d’Aranyi in her spirit-led quest to discover Schumann’s lost violin concerto. Tovey, who had died in 1940, returned to transmit a lengthy programme note for a 1970 recording of Brown’s piano music. More recently, Brown has piqued the interests of music psychologists including John Sloboda, while Matthew Brown has explored works transmitted to Rosemary by Debussy in a chapter titled ‘The medium and the message’, and Érico Bomfim has tested the authenticity of a Schubert-Brown sonata by scouring it for formal and harmonic Schubertian idiosyncrasies.[iv]

The Schubert-Brown connection is interesting from many angles. The portly composer popularly known as ‘little mushroom’ appeared to Brown as being ‘really quite handsome, particularly as he does not have that “puffy”, rather jowly look familiar from most portraits'.[v] Perhaps his eternal form resembled the rather more dashing drawing of the young Schubert attributed to Leopold Kupelwieser, which was widely circulated in the second half of the twentieth century after appearing in a book by Otto Erich Deutsch, but was later revealed as a misidentification by scholars in the 1990s.[vi]

Drawing of the young Schubert attributed to Leopold Kupelwieser

 

Opening bars of Brown's Moments Musicaux inspired by SchubertThe Schubertian highlights include a pair of Moments Musicaux, a handful of Impromptus, and a sonata; there are also fragments of music for string quartet and several songs. One such song was received from Schubert in October 1967, the first draft titled ‘Desolation’ and later updated to ‘Spring Sorrow’. It’s squarely phrased, harmonically simple, and melodically clunky: had Schubert penned this while ‘with us’, it’s unlikely to have become a highlight of the Deutsch catalogue. Another, titled ‘Musing’, demonstrates a combination of poetic tropes that appealed to the living Schubert with those informed by his experiences of an afterlife (‘Can there be life after death’s bitter sorrow? Wilt thou re-waken in Heaven tomorrow?’). More interesting than the musical content of either song is the language of the text, which was received in English. Brown has explained that some of her composer communicators had perfected several languages after their earthly lives had ended, while others relied on the translation services of spiritual intermediaries. In Schubert’s case it seems to be the latter, [vii] as his English remained very poor – a likely suspect for these singing translations could be the spirit of A.H. Fox Strangways (1859-1948), whose popular English volumes of Lieder were first published during Brown’s childhood and have a certain twee kinship with these Schubert-Brown lyrics.

First page of 'Desolation' by Brown inspired by Schubert

 

Desolation / Spring Sorrow, 5th October 1967

Among the flow'rs I wander,
And pluck a random bloom;
Although it shines with a wondrous beauty,
It fails to pierce my gloom.

Above the birds are singing
In trees so green and fair;
Although their songs are so gay and charming,
They fail to ease my care.

A grief that nothing can banish
Has clouded over my heart:
For my love whom I love dearly,
Alas! Is far apart.

 

 

 

 

One question frequently put to Brown by both believers and sceptics concerned famous cases of unfinished works, of which Schubert’s B Minor Symphony D. 759 is a popular example. Brown recalled that she had ‘actually heard the end of the Unfinished Symphony and it is very, very beautiful’, and expressed hope that one day the score would be dictated to her.[viii] Apparently, though, Schubert later changed his mind, and decided that the symphony should forever remain a mystery in two movements; perhaps he was enjoying the completion efforts of scholars such as Brian Newbould, which were being undertaken with gusto around the time of Franz’s visits to Balham. However, Schubert did assure David Cairns that certain manuscripts of famous ‘lost’ works, such as the ‘Gastein’ symphony, were still waiting to be discovered, and he refuted Schumann’s pervasive suggestion that the ‘Grand Duo’ D. 812 is in fact a piano transcription of a lost orchestral work (he apparently declined to pass judgement on Joseph Joachim’s 1855 orchestration). Those hoping for completions of works by the man himself will only find further disappointments in perusing the Brown collection: for instance, while Schubert dictated a slow quartet movement in A-flat major, it does not provide a continuation of the tantalising A-flat ‘Andante’ fragment of the C Minor quartet, D.703/ii

Revisiting the Rosemary Brown phenomenon half a century on prompts questions that weren’t asked at the time. While the primary concern of Brown’s contemporaneous critics was to ascertain the ‘authenticity’ of the works she received on formal musical grounds, I wonder whether musicologists today would pursue different lines of enquiry: for instance, why would only established canonic composers – (un)dead white men – take advantage of Brown’s considerable media platform? What a shame that no women composers, composers of colour, and entirely unknown names of the past came forth to make themselves known. Perhaps their time is still to come, if there’s a willing twenty-first century medium out there to pick up where Brown left off… 

With the interest in composers’ afterlives gaining fictional tract in novels like Jessica Duchen’s Ghost Variations (a retelling of the discovery of Schumann’s violin concerto) and Frédéric Chaslin’s On achève bien Mahler (in which Mahler appears in 2011 with the intention of completing his tenth symphony), perhaps interest in Brown’s unusual musical life is due a revival. Whether one takes her at her word or not, her activities raise interesting – and, naturally, unanswerable – questions about pastiche and divine transcription, authorship and intermundane labour, gendered notions of genius (which, in the case of Brown’s visitors, seemingly transcends even death) and domesticity (the music is facilitated by a suburban housewife). Rosemary Brown’s output and reception give a snapshot into a bizarre pocket of mid-late twentieth-century musical culture, and her memoirs are certainly a thrilling late-October read.

 

Frankie Perry is a PhD candidate at Royal Holloway, writing a thesis on arrangements and reimaginings of nineteenth-century lieder. She is nearing the end of a 3-month research placement at the British Library where she has been working on the collections of Harrison Birtwistle and Elisabeth Lutyens.

 

[i] Parrott, ‘Obituary: Rosemary Brown’, The Guardian, 11/12/2001: https://www.theguardian.com/news/2001/dec/11/guardianobituaries.

[ii] Brown offers an alternative explanation – that ‘[she doesn’t] think his powers of concentration as regards communication are very good really’. Unfinished Symphonies, 147. On Schumann and tables, see John Daverio, Robert Schumann: Herald of a “New Poetic Age” (1997), and Laura Tunbridge, Schumann’s Late Style (2007).

[iii] Parrott, The Music of Rosemary Brown (1978).

[iv] Sloboda, The Musical Mind (1985); M. Brown, Debussy Redux: The Impact of his Music on Popular Culture (2012); Bomfim, ‘O enigma da música mediúnica: investigando uma forma-sonata atribuída ao espírito de Schubert pela médium Rosemary Brown’, Il Congresso da Associação Brasileira de Teoria e Análise Musical (2017).

[v] Unfinished Symphonies, 128-9.

[vi] See articles by Rita Steblin, Elmar Worgull, and Michael Lorenz in Schubert durch die Brille, 1992-2001.

[vii] Brown’s statements on Schubert’s language skills are contradictory: in Unfinished Symphonies she claims to have attempted to take down some songs in German (no manuscripts in the British Library collection correspond to this), while in media appearances relays that they came through directly in English.

[viii] Unfinished Symphonies, 133.

24 October 2018

Music Doctoral Open Day - 4 December 2018

Have you just started a PhD in Music or are you a Masters student considering studying at doctoral level?

If your answer to either of these questions is "yes", then the British Library Music Doctoral Open Day on Tuesday 4 December 2018 is for you!

The day will explain the practicalities of using the library and its services, and help you to navigate physical and online music collections. You will also have the opportunity to meet our expert and friendly staff together with other researchers in your field.

Music Doctoral Open Day 2017 manuscripts show and tell

A packed programme of events is available for the bargain price of £10 per attendee, including lunch and other refreshments.

What is more, this year's event is generously sponsored by the Royal Musical Association. This means that RMA student members are eligible to claim back the registration fee directly from the RMA.

Please book your place via the British Library website and email [email protected] for further information on claiming back the cost.

 

10 October 2018

William Byrd, catholic composer

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    William Byrd, one of the most prolific English composers of his time, was born in 1543 (or possibly late in 1542) and died in 1623.

    A devout Roman Catholic, Byrd was also a Gentleman of the Chapel Royal with a secure position at court. Well known among the Catholic nobility, with whom his ties were naturally close, Byrd also enjoyed a wealth of connections across Protestant society, including major cultural figures such as Sir Philip Sidney.

    This post explores Byrd's music for the Roman Rite.

The Masses

R.M.15.d-tileWilliam Byrd. [Mass for three voices] Cantus. London: Thomas East, 1594. Cantus. British Library R.M.15.d.4.

   In 1593 Byrd moved from Harlington in Middlesex, where he had lived since the 1570s, to Stondon Massey in Essex. This was only a few miles from Ingatestone, the seat of his friend Sir John, afterwards Lord, Petre. It was almost certainly for clandestine Mass celebrations at Petre’s house that Byrd composed his three Masses, issued separately without title pages, dedicatees or any indication of the printer (Thomas East), but with Byrd’s name placed courageously at the top of every page. The four-part work was printed (and composed) first, the three-part next (shown above) and the five-part last, all between about 1592 and 1595. Second editions of the three- and four-part Masses appeared about 1600.

Gradualia Book I, 1605

K.2.f.7. dWilliam Byrd. Gradualia, ac Cantiones Sacræ, quinis, quaternis, trinisque vocibus concinnatæ, Lib. Primus
Excudebat Humphrey Lownes. Londini: Impensis Ricardi Redmeri. Superius. 1610.. British Library K.2.f.7.

Byrd followed the publication of his three settings of the Ordinary of the Mass with an even more daring venture. His Gradualia is one of the most comprehensive provisions of Mass Propers and related music for the Roman church’s year ever attempted by a single composer. When the first book appeared in 1605 he evidently felt that the times were less dangerous, for it was printed with a titlepage and a dedication to the Catholic Privy Councillor Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton.

 But the moment proved ill chosen: it was the year of the Gunpowder Plot and anti-Catholic sentiment was rife. Despite having been approved before its publication by Richard Bancroft, Bishop of London and an ecclesiastical censor of books, Byrd’s Gradualia became dangerous currency. The Frenchman Charles de Ligny was arrested merely for having a copy of the ‘papistical books’ in his possession. The image above shows the communion sentence from the Corpus Christi mass and Ave verum corpus, a Eucharistic prayer in the version printed in the Primer, for private devotions.

Gradualia Book II, 1607

K.2.f.6-tileWilliam Byrd. Gradualia: seu cantionum sacrarum quarum aliæ ad quatuor, aliæ verò ad quinque et sex voces editæ sunt.
Liber secundus.
London: Thomas East, assign of William Barley, 1607. Bassus. British Library K.2.f.6.

   Despite the hostility shown to Book I of Gradualia, Byrd went ahead and published Book II in 1607, openly declaring that the music had been composed for use in the house of its dedicatee, Lord Petre. But he may have found it necessary to withdraw both books until 1610, as the sheets were reissued then with new title pages. The partbook of Book I shown here has the substitute title page of 1610, but those of Book II are from the only surviving set with the original 1607 title pages. On the wrapper of the bassus part the unknown first owner has written ‘Mr William Byrd his last Sett of Songs geven me by him Feb. 1607.’

K.2.f.6. a'William Byrd. Gradualia: seu cantionum sacrarum quarum aliæ ad quatuor, aliæ verò ad quinque et sex voces editæ sunt.
Liber secundus.
London: Thomas East, assign of William Barley, 1607. Bassus. British Library K.2.f.6.

Byrd’s handwriting: Certificate concerning an annuity granted to Dorothy Tempest.

   The letter below, a similar copy of which is also in the British Library (Egerton 3722), along with the two signatures to his will are the only known examples of Byrd’s handwriting.

    One of those implicated in the Catholic plot of 1570 in favour of Mary Queen of Scots was Michael Tempest, who was convicted of treason but managed to escape to France entering the service of Philip II. His wife Dorothy and their five children were left without means of support, and Queen Elizabeth granted her an annuity of twenty pounds a year, to be paid quarterly. On 17 October 1581 Byrd wrote to his friend William Petre (son of Sir John, discussed above), an official at the Court of Exchequer, reminding him that a payment was due, at the same time sending the letter below to certify that she was alive and well.

Ms Mus 1810 Byrd cWilliam Byrd. Autograph certificate on behalf of Dorothy Tempest, 25 June 1581. British Library Ms Mus. 1810/26