23 August 2016
Nicola Matteis and his Ayrs for the Violin
Researching for my recent blog post (http://blogs.bl.uk/music/2016/08/music-printing-in-england-1650-1700-and-the-british-library.html), I came across a number of volumes that initially caused me great confusion: there were a total of twelve shelf marks at the British Library associated with a smaller number of different titles, all of which seemed to be of Ayrs or Ayres for the violin by Nicola Matteis. Some of the shelf marks carried the same title and the same date, but there seemed to be five different dates: 1676, 1685, 1687, 1688 and 1703. What was less clear to me was whether these five dates represented different editions of the same pieces, or of entirely different music. It turned out there were actually four different books of Ayres, some of which were published at the same time, while some copies of the same book were printed at different times. To explain this, we need to delve into some of the context surrounding music printing in the late seventeenth century, specifically that using engraved plates.
Illustration 1: First title page of Hirsch M.1425
Movable type had to be disassembled after a print-run of one gathering, in order to be re-used for other music or text, so reprinting the same page later was an expensive choice. As a result, print-runs were often relatively large, and a book that had sold out would often appear in another edition rather than another issue of the same edition. By contrast, engraved plates were usually kept and re-used whenever necessary, so it was financially viable to have a relatively small initial print-run if there were any doubts that the book would sell. As a result, copies produced in a second print-run may look almost exactly the same as those produced earlier. Furthermore, there may be later additions of pages to printed music, or small differences between seemingly identical copies that came about by correcting previous errors on the same plate, or, more rarely, re-engraving an entire plate (Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 51-2; also Krummel, Guide, 9-11; for a description of the process of correcting errors, see Poole, ‘Music Printing’, 46-7). Lastly, excess printed leaves from a previous print-run might be given a new title page and interspersed with new pages, so that the production date of a particular copy may actually stretch several years. This means that, unlike in type-set books and music, it is often more difficult to decide whether two engraved volumes of the same music constitute a different ‘edition’, ‘issue’ and ‘impression’. Dates given on title pages sometimes cannot be trusted, as the actual print run may have been much later than the date suggested (Kummel, English Music Printing, 145); often, as a consequence, no date is given at all.
All of these factors are relevant when considering the self-published output of Nicola Matteis, an Italian-born virtuoso violinist who settled in London by 1674. Matteis may initially have printed some of his violin music for his pupils before choosing to publish his first two books of Ayres for violin and bass in 1676 (Carter, ‘Music Publishing’, 84-5). This publication may in turn have been intended to attract more pupils (Ibid., 128-9). Simon Jones even argues that the technical difficulties of many of the pieces in Matteis’s rather successful Books 1 and 2 could have encouraged people to enrol for the composer’s violin lessons in order to learn to play them (Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 58). According to Jones, the earliest British Library copy of this (shelf mark Hirsch M.1425, Illustration 1) dates from between 1676 and 1679, so the date given in the online catalogue (1676) is potentially correct. The date ‘1679’ occurs in a handwritten inscription on a front flyleaf, which may indicate the date it was presented as a gift rather than the date it was printed (Ibid., 117).
Illustration 2: First title page of K.1.f.12.
The first two books were probably reprinted several times: the first volume of British Library K.1.f.10 represents a different impression of the same issue as Hirsch M.1425. At some point after 1676, Matteis also published them with Italian title pages (British Library K.1.f.12.; see Illustration 2) and with a preface to the reader. The two instances of the number ‘8’ in the coronet on the Italian title pages (see the close-up in Illustration 3) has led cataloguers to assume that the publication is dated 1688 (this is also the date given in the British Library’s online catalogue), but, as Jones points out, these figures may be purely ornamental and ‘[e]verything else about the issue supports the conclusion that it dates from a much earlier period’ (Ibid., 57).
Illustration 3: Close-up of coronet on first title page of K.1.f.12.
Jones’s main argument is that the wording of the preface (Illustration 4) suggests a date of publication some years after Matteis’s arrival in London, but not at least fourteen years as suggested by the date ‘1688’: ‘It is an honourable and proper thing to conform to the customs of those persons with whom one lives. Seeing that for some years I have lived under the northern skies I have sought to adopt the musical tastes of the inhabitants of this country without distancing myself too far from the Italian style’ (‘È Cosa honorevole, e giusta d'uniformarsi a l'Umore di quelle Persone con I chi si vive, essendo io vissuto alcuni anni sotto il Cielo Settentrionale, ho cercata incontrare il genio de gl’abbitatori di quello, nel stile musicale, benche non tutto affatto, per I non distaccarmi di molto dalla Scuola Italiana’, translation in Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 57). Interestingly, Matteis also displays confidence in his own music by challenging readers who are not satisfied to ‘have the goodness to write something better’ (‘haverai la bonta di comporne delle megliori’).
Illustration 4: Preface of K.1.f.12.
Books 3 and 4 were published from 1685 onwards; the coronet on the title page of Book 3 here clearly includes the date ‘1685’ (Illustrations 5 and 6). The British Library copies are Hirsch III.379. / Hirsch III.379.a. (bound together) and the second volume of K.1.f.10., a presentation volume which has a beautiful – possibly contemporary – binding bearing an inscription to Pietro Capponi, the representative of the Grand Duke of Tuscany (Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 40, see Illustration 7).
Illustration 5: First title page in second volume of K.1.f.10.
Illustration 6: Close-up of coronet on first title page in second volume of K.1.f.10.
Illustration 7: Binding (with inscription) of second volume of K.1.f.10.
Despite the Ayres being solo violin pieces with bass, Matteis issued a second violin part to the existing violin-and-bass publications from about 1687 (British Library K.1.f.11. and Hirsch IV.1632.a.), most likely to take advantage of the increasing interest in sonate a tre sparked by the circulation of Corelli’s opp. 1-3 in England (Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 50). The first violin (and bass) part book of Books 3 and 4 was also reissued, probably to be sold with the newly published second violin part. In the British Library copy (Hirsch IV.1632.), both Books 3 and 4 now carry different title pages. Book 3 still carries the date ‘1685’ in the coronet (Illustrations 8 and 9), but cannot have been printed before 1687, as it (and that of Book 4) point out that a ‘Second Treble’ was now available (Ibid., 69). Furthermore, the title page of Book 3 mentions that new pieces had been added to Book 4 (the last three pages were substituted by seventeen pages of new music).
Illustration 8: Title page of Hirsch IV.1632.(1.)
Illustration 9: Close-up of coronet on title page of Hirsch IV.1632.(1.)
Much later (in 1703), John Walsh issued Books 1 and 2 in three part books (violin 1, 2 and bass) in a new engraved edition – the first time the second violin part of Books 1 and 2 was published. The British Library has two copies of these: shelf marks c.66 and d.20.(3.), the latter of which is lacking the bass part book. The overview given in Illustration 7 summarises Jones’s findings in respect of all British Library copies of Matteis’s Ayres. While this may seem confusing at first, it serves to demonstrate some of the complexities researchers and catalogues may be faced with when working on seventeenth-century (and later) engraved music.
Illustration 7: Overview of British Library copies of Matteis’s Ayres (click on image to view in full size)
Moreover, a clear chronology of the various issues of a publication such as Matteis’s Ayrs may help to understand changes to the musical text or to other aspects of the publication. Some of these modifications may be relatively simple corrections of engraving errors, but other, more creative amendments such as the addition of a ‘Concert of three Trumpetts’ to Book 4 in about 1687 may reflect stylistic changes and fashions of a certain time, such as the popularity of music for trumpets in the late seventeenth century (Jones, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis’, 150-2).
Stephan Schönlau (University of Manchester)
PhD placement student
References:
Carter, Stephanie, ‘Music Publishing and Compositional Activity in England, 1650-1700’ (Doctoral dissertation, University of Manchester, 2010).
Krummel, D. W., Guide for Dating Early Published Music (Hackensack, New Jersey: Joseph Boonin, 1974).
Krummel, D. W., English Music Printing, 1553-1700 (London: Bibliographical Society, 1975).
Jones, Simon, ‘The “Stupendious” Nicola Matteis: an Exploration of his Life, his Works for the Violin and his Performing Style’, 3 vols. (Doctoral dissertation, University of York, 2003).
Poole, H. Edmund, ‘Music Printing’, in D. W. Krummel & Stanley Sadie, eds., Music Printing and Publishing (London: Macmillan Press, 1990), 3-78.
15 June 2016
Recycling Madrigals in Counter-Reformation Italy
Last week, I started my PhD project placement at the British Library to work on 16th- and 17th-century printed music. After a day of induction to the workings of the Library, including a fascinating tour of the basement, where most of the Library’s collection items such as rare books and manuscripts are housed, my supervisor handed me a list of printed sources of which I was to produce descriptive data. I initially picked three items from the list to start off with, two of which I’d like to focus on in this post.
The first one, Nuove Laudi Ariose (Rome, 1600), was an anthology of laude, largely homophonic vocal pieces (in this case for four voices), the purpose of which was to strengthen the Catholic faith of those who sang and heard them, hence their widespread use during the Counter-Reformation. The anthology, edited by Giovanni Arascione and printed in 1600 by Nicolò Mutij in Rome, consists of four part books (Canto, Alto, Tenor, Basso). The copy housed at the British Library was acquired in 1975. Six more exemplars are extant, all of them in Italian libraries.
Several of the pieces contained in Nuove Laudi Ariose are actually recycled from popular secular madrigals, set to new texts. As Joachim Steinheuer points out, retexting secular madrigals and choosing popular dance basses of the time (such as the folia and the ciacona) as a basis for laude, were both common practices around 1600. In the case of retexting, one of the main reasons for this practice seems to have been to allow performers and educated listeners to link their familiarity with a particular secular madrigal, usually centred around themes of romantic love in various guises, with a new text and message – one that focussed on love of God, Christ, or Mary, as well as other pious topics such as the rejection of sin and worldly pleasures (see Joachim Steinheuer, 'Poverello che farai? - Musik als Vehikel gegenreformatorischer Bestrebungen', in Victoria von Flemming, ed., Aspekte der Gegenreformation, Sonderheft Zeitsprünge (Forschungen zur Frühen Neuzeit, Vol. 1, Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1997), 611).
Last page, tenor part book, and title page, alto part book of Claudio Monteverdi, Il quatro libro de madrigali (Venice, 1603)
The second printed source I worked on was the 1607 edition of Monteverdi’s Orfeo, while the third was Monteverdi’s Fourth Book of Madrigals for five voices of 1603. ‘Si ch’io vorrei morire’ (‘Yes, I’d like to die’) – this madrigal has regularly recurred during the course of my studies. I was first introduced to it by my music theory professor in Berlin, at some point during the first two years of my undergraduate degree. With its suggestive erotic text, rapid harmonic shifts and seemingly endless chains of dissonant suspensions, there was little not to like about this five-part madrigal, which counts as one of Monteverdi’s best known works in this genre.
It resurfaced in my attention at a concert a couple of months ago by the Turton Consort, who performed the entire fourth book in a concert at St. Ann’s Church in Manchester. As Joachim Steinheuer states in his article, ‘O Jesu mea vita’ is actually a retexting of ‘Si ch’io vorrei morire’, with the erotic text describing a sexual act turned into one about the desire for spiritual unification with Christ, without changing even one note. I had not remembered the exact contents of Monteverdi’s fourth book, so I realised only when leafing through the publication that this particular madrigal was back to ‘haunt’ me.
Page 17 (‘Si ch’io vorrei morire’), canto part book of Monteverdi, Il quatro libro
The fourth book of madrigals is scarcer than Arascione’s Nuove Laudi Ariose: only two further exemplars are extant, one each in the Bibliothèque nationale de France in Paris, and in the Biblioteca comunale Ariostea in Ferrara, Italy. The British Library exemplar forms part of the Hirsch collection, which was bought from the previous owner, Paul Hirsch, in 1946.
As with the Arascione edition, Monteverdi’s fourth book was printed by single-impression movable type. It also carries a dedication (Illustration 3), addressed ‘to the illustrious gentlemen and observing patrons, the gentlemen of the Accademia degli Intrepidi [literally, the academy of the fearless] of Ferrara’ by the ‘most affectionate and obliging servant Claudio Monte verde’. In other words, even though Monteverdi, who had only recently been promoted to the position of ‘Maestro della Musica del Sereniss[imo] Sig[nor] Duca di Mantova’, printed the volume in Venice, the main hub for music printing at the time, his dedicatees were the members of the Accademia degli Intrepidi in Ferrara. Among these was the Duke of Mantua, which has lead Paolo Fabri to suggest it was ‘most likely intended, if only indirectly, as an act of homage to his own employer’ (see Paolo Fabri, Monteverdi, transl. Tim Carter (Cambridge: University Press, 1994, first published in Italian in 1985), 57.). In any case, this dedication may well be why there is an exemplar housed in the public library of Ferrara.
Stephan Schönlau (University of Manchester)
PhD Placement Student
Dedication (verso of the title page), canto part book of Monteverdi, Il quatro libro
27 January 2016
PhD placement in music at the British Library
Applications now open
The British Library is running a series of 3-month (or PT equivalent) PhD Placements, hosted by our specialist curatorial teams and other Library experts. Of the 17 placements currently on offer, this one will be of particular interest to PhD students in musicology:
European print culture in the 16th and 17th centuries
Working with specialist curators in the Music department of the British Library, this 3-month PhD placement offers an exciting opportunity to: use your existing research skills in the identification and description of 16th and 17th century music; gain practical experience of cataloguing early printed editions; and engage with music scholars working in this field.
Details about the scheme and application guidelines:
http://www.bl.uk/aboutus/highered/phd-placement-scheme
Application deadline: 19 February 2016
Open to all doctoral students (as long as they have the support of their supervisor or graduate tutor) the placement scheme includes a dedicated work plan, plus full supervision and training. All placement students are allocated their own desk and/or workspace, and are fully integrated into the working environment of the team/department in which they are based.
Placements will be held between June 2016 – May 2017. Exact start dates to be agreed with successful candidates.
Contact [email protected] for all queries or to be added to our mailing list.
27 October 2015
Curatorial vacancy in the Music Collections
We recently advertised details of a vacancy that has arisen in the British Library’s music department. The post will have a particular focus for exploring digital opportunities with music materials, but will also involve working with the Library’s rich heritage music collections in manuscript and print format. The post will require a mix of musicological and professional library-based skills and experience, as well as technical knowledge relevant to digital humanities in the field of music. The closing date is 1 November, and interviews are scheduled for 16 November in London. For further details please see the Vacancies section of the Library’s website: http://www.bl.uk/.
13 November 2014
Calling all PhD students with a music-related topic!
The British Library's Music Open Day for Doctoral Students will take place on 30 January 2015.
These Open Days allow students to learn about our collections of printed and manuscript music and sound recordings (including classical, pop, world and traditional music), to find out how to access them, and to meet our curatorial staff as well as other researchers in their field. In addition to an understanding of the Library’s collections, students gain a wider introduction to the information landscape in their field, and research opportunities opening up in the digital information environment.
This event is aimed at new PhD students, as well as Masters students who are planning to continue their research at doctoral level. Numbers are limited and, as these events are very popular, we do encourage early booking. Places cost £5.00 and this includes lunch.
Book directly using this link or see our website for details of all events taking place at the British Library.
The Institute of Musical Research will provide discretionary travel bursaries, up to £20, for students coming from outside London – further details will be provided nearer the time.
07 April 2014
A Big Data History of Music
We are delighted to announce that the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) has awarded Royal Holloway, University of London and the British Library just over £79,000 towards a research project exploring centuries' worth of documentation of printed and manuscript music. This collaboration between Royal Holloway and the British Library is bringing together for the first time the world's biggest datasets about published sheet music, music manuscripts and classical concerts (in excess of 5 million records) for statistical analysis, manipulation and visualisation and will, it is to be hoped, provide a paradigm shift in how music history is researched.
Data from seven existing databases and catalogues is being used as the basis of this project. These datasets (two of which are not currently available online) include: the British Library's catalogues of printed and manuscript music; the bibliographies created by Répertoire International des Sources Musicales (RISM) that list European music printed 1500-1800 and music manuscripts in European libraries; and the RISM UK Music Manuscripts Database and the Concert Programmes Project database. These catalogues and databases are already essential finding tools for researchers of music history and musicology, plus many scholars of performance studies and cultural history. However, until now it has not been possible to analyse these rich collections of data for large-scale trends in the dissemination of music, the popularity of specific composers, or the development of musical taste.
Our project will align and combine the seven datasets so that they can be analysed as big data. Key areas of the British Library data are being enriched and cleaned in order that they can be successfully aligned with the other datasets. The project team will then pilot ways in which the combined dataset can be analysed with approaches taken from the study of big data. By analysing the frequency, spread and distribution of specific compositions and composers' outputs, the project will challenge current thinking about how music was transmitted across borders, how musical taste developed, and how certain composers or repertories were canonised as carrying aesthetic value. The results of this research will be disseminated via a symposium held at the British Library, to which academics and non-academics will be invited. Finally, the data will be made available as an open dataset for researchers to undertake big data research across multiple disciplines.
The project is being funded under the £4 million ‘Digital Transformations in the Arts and Humanities: Big Data Research’ funded by the Arts and Humanities Research Council with support from the Economic and Social Research Council. It is being led by Dr Stephen Rose, Senior Lecturer in Music at Royal Holloway, with Dr Sandra Tuppen, Curator of Music Manuscripts at the British Library, as Co-Investigator, and is due to be completed by the end of March 2015. For further information, please contact [email protected].
12 February 2014
Devonshire minuets
In this post, Moira Goff, Curator of the British Library's Georgians Revealed exhibition, delves into the Library's music collections in search of dances performed by upper-class Georgians.
Many of the collections of country dances and minuets published in the late 18th century included tunes named for individual aristocratic female dancers. The most famous of these was the Devonshire Minuet, composed in honour of Georgiana Duchess of Devonshire and first performed by Adelaide Simonet and Gaetan Vestris at a ridotto held at the King’s Theatre in London on 22 March 1781. The Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser for 24 March reported at length on the event, noting in particular the brief attendance of the Duchess who sat in her box rather than joining the company. For ‘her Grace was only there to pay a kind of public visit to the Vestris, for the Devonshire minuet, which was received with a very warm applause, and was no sooner over than the Duchess disappeared’. The Devonshire Minuet was subsequently performed several times at the King’s Theatre as part of the ballet Ninette à la Cour, in which the two dancers were starring. The music was published the same year in Giovanni Battista Noferi’s The Celebrated Dances Performed by the Messrs Vestris &c. at the King’s Theatre. The copy now in the British Library appears to have been used in performance, as the harmony has been filled out in places in ink. The Devonshire Minuet also appeared separately in various arrangements suitable for music-making and dancing at home.
The Duke and Duchess of Devonshire were noted for their lavish entertainments at Devonshire House in London’s Piccadilly. The ‘Devonshire Gala’ given on 21 March 1782 was reported in detail in the Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser for 22 March. The luxurious and elegant decorations of the hall and adjacent rooms were fully described. ‘The Grand Hall was fitted up in the most superb stile, converted into la Salle au Bal’, with an antique statue of Apollo and fine paintings set off by festoons of roses and a myriad candles. The ‘sopha for the Royal Family, and the rest of the furniture was rose coloured damask; a raised flooring, and temporary orchestra were constructed; the orchestra was in divisions on each side the Apollo statue’. The Morning Herald and Daily Advertiser did not comment on the dancing at the ball until 30 March:
Of minuets, at least as danced by Amateur performers, none was ever more commended than the minuet, at the Devonshire Gala, of the Prince of Wales, and the Duchess of Devonshire.
The Minuet next in point of order, tho’ not of merit, was danced by the Duke of Devonshire and Lady Caroline Spencer. His Grace is an amiable and respectable character; but dancing is not his forte.
The newspaper commented only on Lady Caroline’s beauty. The report shows that formal balls of the late 18th century still opened with a series of minuets, danced one couple at a time in order of rank, just as they had been nearly 100 years earlier.
Moira Goff
Further reading: Amanda Foreman. Georgiana: Duchess of Devonshire. London, 1998.
Georgians Revealed: Life, Style and the Making of Modern Britain is on until 11 March 2014.
19 December 2013
The Countess of Yarmouth’s Fancy
Among the Ten New Fashionable Irish Dances published by the dancing master Alexander Wills around 1800 is the ‘Countess of Yarmouth Fancy’. Who was the Countess of Yarmouth and why should she have not just this dance but this whole collection of dances dedicated to her?
Alexander Wills had a long career as a dancing master in London. The Morning Post and Daily Advertiser for 12 April 1779 carried a notice for ‘his first ball … at the New Rooms, Hanover-square’ when he described himself as ‘late assistant to Mr. Gallini’ - Giovanni Andrea Gallini who was dancing master at the King’s Theatre, London’s opera house. Wills advertised his annual ball and his academy ‘for young Ladies only’ regularly thereafter. He was apparently still in business late in 1801, for the Morning Chronicle for 7 November 1801 advertised ‘Wills and Second’s Academy, … for Young Ladies of Distinction’. No further advertisements have so far been found, but Wills evidently had a genteel and well-heeled clientele.
The Countess of Yarmouth must surely be Maria Emily Fagnani (1770/71-1856), who on 18 May 1798 married Francis Charles Seymour-Conway Earl of Yarmouth (1777-1842), son and heir to the second Marquess of Hertford. Her mother was the Marchesa Fagnani, and it is likely that her father was the fourth Duke of Queensberry. The new Countess of Yarmouth was the Duke’s designated heiress. The marriage took place against the will of Lord Yarmouth’s parents and it did not last. The Earl and Countess of Yarmouth parted for good during a visit to France in 1802. The undated Ten New Fashionable Irish Dances must have appeared during the brief period of their marriage. The publication was registered at Stationers' Hall on 28 May 1800 and probably appeared in print shortly afterwards.
Despite her doubtful paternity and the circumstances of her marriage, the Countess of Yarmouth was worth cultivating as a patron. She had money. In 1791, she had been left more than £30,000 (several million pounds in today’s money) by her adoptive father the politician George Selwyn. She was also a member of fashionable society. Her attendance at balls, masquerades and other diversions of the bon ton was noted in the newspapers. Alexander Wills may already have attracted her patronage or had good hopes of it. ‘Countess of Yarmouth Fancy’ is the first dance in the volume and one of only three which have dance instructions as well as music.
Further reading:
Bernard Falk, “Old Q.’s” Daughter. London, 1937.
This is a guest post by Moira Goff, curator of the British Library's exhibition Georgians Revealed.
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