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101 posts categorized "Mughal India"

07 February 2013

Mughal India: A Study Day

Saturday 9 March 2013, 10.00 – 17.00

Conference Centre, British Library

£25/ £15 concessions

Book now

Legendary patrons of the arts and science, the Mughal emperors are remembered through their rich cultural heritage including exquisite paintings and manuscripts, jeweled ornaments and architectural landmarks such as the Taj Mahal and the Red Fort in Delhi.

This study day features presentations and discussions by noted scholars and art historians.  Entry to the exhibition is included in the price.

(There will be the option to exchange your ticket to view the exhibition on an alternative date.)

Chaired by
Dr. Malini Roy (Visual Arts Curator, British Library) and
Ursula Sims-Williams (Lead Curator, Persian Languages, British Library)

10.00 - 10.30    Registration

10.30 - 10.40    Introduction

10.40 - 11.20    The Wooden Audience Hall of Shah Jahan:
                        A Reconstruction from Texts, Images and Real Architecture

                        Professor Ebba Koch
                        (Institute of Art History, University of Vienna)


11.20 - 12.00    A Re-interpretation of the Dara Shikoh Album
                        J.P. Losty (British Library, Retired)

12.00 - 12.40    Flowers in Mughal Art
                        Susan Stronge (Victoria and Albert Museum)

12.40 - 13.00    Discussion

13.00 - 14.00    Lunch Break

14.00 - 14.40    Reading the History of Yogis through Mughal Painting
                        Dr James Mallinson (Independent Scholar)

14.40 - 15.20    Mughal Literature: Private and Public, Sacred and Profane
                        Professor Sunil Sharma (Boston University)

15.20 - 16.00    Discussion

16.00 - 17.00    Visit Mughal India: Art, Culture and Empire (optional)

Tea and coffee will be served during registration.

  Portrait of Nadira Banu Begum, attributed to Balchand, 1631-2 From the Dara Shikoh Album, British Library, Add.Or.3129, folio 20

Portrait of Nadira Banu Begum, attributed to Balchand, 1631-2
From the Dara Shikoh Album, British Library, Add.Or.3129, folio 20

06 February 2013

From Mongols to Mughals

A few weeks ago we wrote about the Timurid ancestry of the Mughals while referring briefly to the emperor Babur’s maternal ancestor, Genghis Khan (in fact ‘Mughal’ itself is derived from the word Mongol). In addition to the copy of Muʻizz al ansāb described there (Or.14306), the British Library is fortunate enough to have a second one, acquired in the late 19th century (Or. 467), of which the first part is dedicated to the Mongols’ ancestors. Although the work was not composed during the rule of the Chingizid Ilkhanid dynasty of Iran (1260-1335), but under the Timurids (1370–1526), the information provided by this source is of major importance for the Chingizid period. Most of the genealogical data is based on previous works written by the Ilkhanid vizier Rashīd al-Dīn (d. 1317), such as the famous Jami‘ al-tavārīkh or the Shu‘ab-i Panjgānah. The fact that Rashīd al-Dīn had unprecedented access to the Mongol court and personally asked the Mongol royal family about its past, makes of this work one of the most interesting sources of information on Mongol genealogy available today.

Chaghatai Khan_720

 noc An imaginative portrayal of Chaghatai Khan (d. 1242) painted in the 18th century. Chaghatai was Genghis Khan's son and the founder of the line of Mongol rulers of Central Asia. The Chaghatai language and Chaghatai Turks take their names from him (Or.467)

The British Library copy was probably made in India during the 18th century, but unfortunately lacks some folios at the beginning of the description of Timur’s genealogy. However, unlike other copies, it contains illustrations of the rulers from the very beginning - including images of the Mongols’ mythical ancestors. These are entirely anachronistic, but despite their historical inaccuracy, are valuable representations of how a 19th century Indo-Muslim viewed the past, portraying a characteristic Moghul amalgamation of Turco-Mongol and Muslim heritage.

The mythical heroine Alan Qo’a, who, impregnated by a ray of divine light, gave birth to the Mughals' ancestors. Abu’l-Fazl, Akbar’s official biographer, devotes a whole chapter to her, describing the day of her conception as “the beginning of the manifestation of his Majesty, the king of kings, who after passing through divers stages was revealed to the world from the holy womb of her Majesty Miryam-makānī for the accomplishment of things visible and invisible.” (Akbarnamah, vol 1)

 noc The mythical heroine Alan Qo’a, who, impregnated by a ray of divine light, gave birth to the Mughals' ancestors. Abu’l-Fazl, Akbar’s official biographer, devotes a whole chapter to her, describing the day of her conception as “the beginning of the manifestation of his Majesty, the king of kings, who after passing through divers stages was revealed to the world from the holy womb of her Majesty Miryam-makānī for the accomplishment of things visible and invisible.” (Akbarnamah, vol 1)


An important feature of this copy is the attention given to the representation of Genghis Khan’s descendants – i.e. Qaidu Khan, Qabul Khan, etc.; his sons Jochi (d. 1227), Chaghatai (d. 1242), Ogedei (d. 1241) and Tolui (d. 1232) and their families. An enthralling aspect of the work are the tables with data on the wives, concubines and government officials which accompany each one. Some are illustrated and include short descriptions on their tribal origin and offspring, as well as on their actions in government.

There is a vast potential for research to be centred on this material, notwithstanding the work that has been done so far. For example, a comprehensive comparison between the different manuscripts of the Mu'izz al-ansāb is wanting, while most of the information regarding women and officials mentioned in the work is still waiting to be analysed. What is clear, however, is that this manuscript represents a sense of continuity perceived by all these 'different' dynasties that ruled first Central Asia and later India for over 600 years. A work which describes the Chingizid Mongols’ progeniture, authored by an anonymous Timurid and copied in Mughal India offers an insightful instance of the Mughals conception of their origin and past.

Bruno De Nicola, University of St. Andrews
 ccownwork

 


Further reading

Sholeh A Quinn, “The Mu‘izz al-Ansāb and the Shu‘ab-i Panjgānah as Sources for the Chaghatayid Period of History: A Comparative Analysis,” Central Asiatic Journal, 33 (1990), pp. 229-53.
John E Woods, “Timur's Genealogy,” in Intellectual studies on Islam : essays written in honor of Martin B. Dickson, edited by M.M. Mazzaoui and V.B. Moreen. Salt Lake City, Utah: U. of Utah Press, c1990, pp. 85-125.

 

 

01 February 2013

Princess Jahanara’s biography of a Sufi saint

One of the most exciting discoveries made while researching exhibits to be included in Mughal India was an autograph copy of the Mughal Princess Jahanara’s Muʼnis al-arvāḥ (‘The Confidant of Spirits’), a biography of the famous Sufi saint Muʻin al-Din Chishti.

Portrait of a young lady, recentlyidentified as Jahanara and attributed to the painter Lalchand c. 1631-3 (Losty and Roy, p. 132). One of two portraits of the same lady occurring in an album presented in 1051 (1641/42) by Prince Dara Shikoh to his wife Nadira Banu Begum (Add.Or.3129, f. 25v). Images onlinePortrait of a young lady, recentlyidentified as Jahanara and attributed to the painter Lalchand c. 1631-3 (Losty and Roy, p. 132). One of two portraits of the same lady occurring in an album presented in 1051 (1641/42) by Prince Dara Shikoh to his wife Nadira Banu Begum (Add.Or.3129, f. 25v). Images online
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Jahanara Begum (1614-81) was the eldest daughter of the emperor Shah Jahan (r. 1628-58). Like her brother Dara Shikoh, the heir to the throne, she was profoundly spiritual, and they were initiated together into the Qadiriya order of Sufiism. At the same time Jahanara was an influential political figure, receiving the title Sahibat al-Zaman (‘Mistress of the Age’) after her mother Mumtaz Mahal’s death in 1631. In 1644 she was given the port of Surat, and she also owned her own ship, the Sahibi, which transported cargo and pilgrims between Surat and Mecca. Revenues from maritime trade made her extremely wealthy. Jahanara paid for the construction of the famous Jamiʻ Masjid in Agra, completed in 1648, and also commissioned a huge mosque and religious complex dedicated to her spiritual teacher Mulla Shah in Srinagar in 1650.

The Jamiʻ Masjid, Agra, built for Jahanara and completed in 1648. Photographed by W. Caney in the 1880s for the Archaeological Survey of India (Photo 1003/(512)
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   Throughout her life she remained devoted to her father and cared for him after his imprisonment in 1658 until his death eight years later. However she was also the subject of scurrilous rumours, no doubt arising from jealousy. The French physician François Bernier, who was employed at court for several years from 1659, describes how Shah Jahan, realising that a suitor was hiding in Jahanara’s bath-tub, ordered the cauldron to be lit underneath and only left the room when he was sure the victim was dead. On another occasion he is reputed to have poisoned Jahanara’s steward who had been suggested as a potential husband.

Colophon of Muʼnis al-arvāḥ copied by Jahanara who signs herself “Jahanara, a speck of dust at the feet of the sages of Chisht” (Or. 5637, ff. 122-23)
Colophon of Muʼnis al-arvāḥ copied by Jahanara who signs herself “Jahanara, a speck of dust at the feet of the sages of Chisht” (Or. 5637, ff. 122-23)
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Jahanara’s writings include two Sufi works: the Ṣāḥibīyah, a biography of her teacher Mulla Shah (d. 1661— a possible autograph of Mulla Shah's is also included in the exhibition) and this work, primarily about Muʻin al-Din Chishti (1135–1229) who introduced the Chishti order of Sufism into India. Called the Mu’nis al-arvāḥ (a play on the title of one of Muʻin al-Din Chishti’s own works, the Anīs al-arvāḥ), she completed it on 27 Ram. 1049 (21 Jan 1640). She compiled it from a number of sources (including her brother Dara Shikoh’s own treatise Safīnat al-awliyā), proudly boasting a knowledge superior to her father’s:

It should be known to everyone that the guiding master Khvaja Mu‘inuddin Muhammad [Chishti] (may almighty God protect his secret) was a sayyid, and without doubt was among the offspring of the prophet. There is no disputing this. When the ruler of the age… Shah Jahan (may God preserve his realm), my glorious father, did not have information about the origins of the guiding master, he investigated the matter. I told him repeatedly that the master was a sayyid but he did not believe me until one day he was reading the Akbarnama and his auspicious eyes fell on the part of the where Shaikh Abu al-Fazl describes briefly the reality of the guiding master being a sayyid. From that day on this fact that was clearer than the sun was revealed to the king, shadow of God.

(Mu’nis al-arvāḥ, unpublished translation courtesy of Sunil Sharma)

The suggestion that this manuscript might have been copied by Jahanara herself was first mentioned by William Irvine in a footnote on p. 423 of the 4th volume of his translation of  N. Manucci’s Storia do Mogor (London: Murray, 1907-8), where he writes “I have since given to the British Museum what I believe to be a holograph exemplar.” I read this quite by chance and immediately tried to locate the volume which was only summarily listed in G.M. Meredith-Owens Handlist of Persian manuscripts 1895-1966 (London: British Museum, 1968). Besides the colophon saying that it was copied by Jahanara, this copy ends differently from others (The British Library has two: Or.250 and Add.16733). Comparison with known examples of Jahanara’s handwriting also suggested that it was in fact genuine. 

 

Ursula Sims-Williams, Asian and African Studies
 ccownwork

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Further reading

A. Bokhari, “Imperial Transgressions and Spiritual Investitures: A Begam’s ‘Ascension’ in Seventeenth Century Mughal India”, Journal of Persianate Studies 4 (2011), pp. 86-108
F. Bernier,  Travels in the Mogul Empire, A.D. 1656-1668; translated and annotated by A. Constable. 2nd revised. ed. by V.A. Smith. Oxford: OUP, 1916
J.P. Losty and M. Roy, Mughal India: Art, Culture and Empire. London: British Library, 2012

 

 

27 January 2013

William Baffin’s 1619 map of the Mughal Empire

The first British attempt to chart the Mughal empire was made by the Arctic explorer and surveyor William Baffin (1584?-1621), master's mate on the Anne Royal, the ship on which Sir Thomas Roe, England's first ambassador to Mughal India, returned to England in 1619.

Maps K.Top.115.22. William Baffin’s map of the Mughal Empire. London: Thomas Sterne, 1619
Maps K.Top.115.22. William Baffin’s map of the Mughal Empire. London: Thomas Sterne, 1619

Already in 1614 the East India Company had requested sea captain Nicholas Downton, about to set sail for India, to find someone who could prepare a map of the whole Moghul empire, specifically locating its cities and rivers. Sir Thomas Roe, arriving the following year, collected geographical data on 37 cities (Add. MS. 6115, f. 256, see Foster below, pp. 531-41), though, in the event, it was William Baffin who actually compiled the map and published it in 1619. Known as ‘Sir Thomas Roe's map’, it provided the basis for all future maps of India for the next hundred years. 

Jahangir’s genealogical seal

A striking feature of Baffin’s map is Jahangir’s dynastic seal depicted in the top right hand corner.

Jahangir's dynastic seal as depicted by William Baffin
Jahangir's dynastic seal as depicted by William Baffin

In a posting several weeks ago, on a document of Babur (Earliest surviving Mughal document?), I talked about his genealogical seal, the first of its kind. This distinctive design, consisting of the ruling emperor’s name in the centre surrounded by his Timurid ancestors, became an important symbol of Mughal imperial authority and was noted by several contemporary European travellers. It was used on official orders (farmans) and differed from the smaller personal ownership seals which are sometimes found on manuscripts (an example of Jahangir’s personal seal can be seen in Muhammad Juki’s Shahnamah, Royal Asiatic Society Persian Ms. 239, f. 3r, on display in the exhibition).

As can be seen from an example of the genuine seal illustrated below, Baffin’s map provides an almost exact replica in translation. The genuine seal heads a land grant issued by Jahangir on 14th of the month Amurdad, regnal year 4 (summer 1609).

Or.14982 (10). Jahangir's dynastic seal, undated
Or.14982 (10). Jahangir's dynastic seal, undated

 

Ursula Sims-Williams, Asian and African Studies
 ccownwork

Follow us on Twitter @BLAsia_Africa

Further reading:

W. Foster, “Appendix A: Note on the Map”, in The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the Court of the Great Mogul, 1615-1619, vol 2 (London: Hakluyt Society, 1899), pp. 542-6.

A.T. Gallop, “The Genealogical Seal of the Mughal Emperors of India”, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Third Series 9.1 (1999), pp. 77-140.

 

23 January 2013

Fayżī’s Mawārid al-kalim, a literary tour de force

Imagine yourself in this situation: you sit down to write a book, but almost half of the letters of the alphabet are ‘out of bounds’. That was the challenge faced by Abū al-Fayż Fayżī, scholar, physician, poet laureate and – like his brother Abū al-Fażl ‘Allāmī – favoured courtier of the emperor Akbar. Fayżī set out to prove his literary and linguistic virtuosity by composing an entire book in Arabic without using a single one of those 13 letters of the Arabic alphabet which contain one dot or more. Not a simple book, mind, but an elaborate treatise, over 100 pages in length, on ethics and government.

Beginning of Fayżī’s Mawārid al-kalim (Or.16284, ff. 3v-4)
Beginning of Fayżī’s Mawārid al-kalim (Or.16284, ff. 3v-4)

Fayżī successfully accomplished this tour de force, and the British Library has an illuminated copy of the text in question, Mawārid al-kalim (‘Sources of [Wise] Sayings’) to prove it. Our manuscript, Or. 16284 (purchased in 2006), is dated 1256, equivalent to 1840 to 1841. The treatise is preceded on folios 1v-2r by a series of verses in Persian in which the author brazenly – but with undeniable elegance – applauds his own achievement. Here is a translation of one (f. 2v, see below) of a series of two muqaṭṭa‘āt (‘fragments) and five rubā‘īs (quatrains with rhyming lines AABA):

This grace, which has poured down from the Realm of “No doubt” –
its writing, pearl-pointed, all poured forth from my bosom.
An epiphany from Vision’s bowers, before dawn
it moved but once, and fruit poured from the Realm Unseen.

Fayżī’s introductory verses (Or. 16284, ff. 1v-2)
Fayżī’s introductory verses (Or. 16284, ff. 1v-2)

Nor was this Fayżī’s only venture in the arguably pointless, but far from dotty, field of bī-nuqṭah (‘without dots’) composition. His commentary on the Qur’ān, Sawāṭi‘ al-ilhām, is also written entirely using entirely dotless letters. There is an anecdote which illustrates the relationship between Fayżī and his brother Abū al-Fażl, on the one hand, who were confidants of the freethinking emperor Akbar, and the famously orthodox (in most respects) Sufi Shaykh Aḥmad Sirhindī. A young scholar from Punjab, Sirhindī arrived in Agra to seek his fortune. Admitted to the two brothers’ literary circle, he showed his brilliance by completing a passage of Fayżī’s commentary where the latter had been at a loss. According to Kishmī’s Zubdat al-maqāmāt, a hagiography of Sufis of the Naqshbandi Order (lithograph ed., Kanpur, 1890, p. 132) Fayżī himself marvelled at the eloquence of Aḥmad Sirhindī’s solution. Before very long, however, as was probably inevitable, Sirhindī fell out irrevocably with Fayżī and Abū al-Fażl as a consequence of fundamental differences concerning religious matters.

The text of the treatise ends on folio 55v, but Fayżī, intent on gilding the lily still further, appended a couple of passages. In one (56r-v), for an entire page he eschews all the undotted letters, using only dotted ones. In the second (56v-57r), which reverts to undotted letters, this time in Persian rather than Arabic, he again praises his own writing and informs us that Mawārid al-kalim was completed in the middle days of Muḥarram (the first month of the Islamic year), with Leo in the ascendant, the sun in the sign of Aries and the moon in Aquarius. Finally, and rather enigmatically (for the abjad numerical values of the Arabic letters do not seem to bear out his claim), Fayżī announces that two phrases (or words: kalimah) on the last lines (see below) indicate the title of the work, the month in which it was written, and the year in which it was written. Perhaps our readers can solve this puzzle for us…

Conclusion of manuscript dated 1256 (1840/41), with seal impressions
Conclusion of manuscript dated 1256 (1840/41), with seal impressions


Muhammad Isa Waley, Asian and African Studies

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21 January 2013

Akbar's most influential adviser

Abū’l-Fażl ʻAllāmī (1551-1602)

A recurring figure throughout the exhibition ‘Mughal India’ is Akbar’s influential administrator and adviser, the court historian Abū’l-Fażl.

Abū’l-Fażl ʻAllāmī was the second son of Shaykh Mubārak (1505-1593), a distinguished teacher and scholar who had migrated to Agra in 1543 from Nagaur in Rajastan. His older brother was the court poet Fayżī about whom we’ll be writing in future postings.

A precocious child, Abū’l-Fażl was already by the age of 15 familiar with traditional Islamic philosophy and science. However, not content with this, he actively sought the company of those of other faiths:

Sometimes a sympathy with the padres of Portugal pulled at my skirt. Sometimes a conference with the mubids of Persia, and sometimes a knowledge of the secrets of the Zendavesta [the Zoroastrian sacred scriptures] robbed me of repose, for my soul was alienated from the society both of the sobered and the (spiritually) drunken of my own land.

Abū’l-Fażl ʻAllāmī, Akbarnāmah, vol 3: tr. H. Beveridge. Reprint: Calcutta, 1939, p. 117

At 20 Abū’l-Fażl was contemplating a total withdrawal from society, but instead entered imperial service in 1574. His broad-minded and humanitarian views greatly influenced Akbar’s policies but were strongly opposed by the religious establishment. He took part in Akbar’s religious debates and helped to draft the famous decree (maḥżar) of 1579 which gave Akbar as emperor the right to decide any religious question on which qualified legal interpreters (mujtahidīn) were not in agreement. His prominence, however, led to rivalries and jealousies, and in 1602 Abū’l-Fażl was assassinated at the request of Akbar’s son Salīm (later to become the Emperor Jahāngīr). 

150 years later, Shāh Navāz Khān (1700-1757) wrote in his biographical dictionary, the Maʻāsir al-umarāʼ, that while many had accused Abū’l-Fażl of being an infidel, whether a Hindu, a fire-worshipper, or an atheist, neverthless there were those who regarded him as a follower of ‘Universal Peace’ and a free-thinker who accepted all religions. His works remained extremely popular and were frequently copied right up until the advent of printing. The manuscript illustrated below is a good example.

 

This painting from a 19th century copy of the Akbarnāmah shows Abū’l-Fażl, in the presence of Akbar, drafting the order (farmān) which established a new ‘Divine Era’. This solar calendar dated from 1556, the beginning of Akbar’s reign, and used the traditional pre-Islamic (Zoroastrian) Persian day and month names. It also introduced 14 festivals corresponding to the Zoroastrian feasts (Add.26203, ff 162v-163)
This painting from a 19th century copy of the Akbarnāmah shows Abū’l-Fażl, in the presence of Akbar, drafting the order (farmān) which established a new ‘Divine Era’. This solar calendar dated from 1556, the beginning of Akbar’s reign, and used the traditional pre-Islamic (Zoroastrian) Persian day and month names. It also introduced 14 festivals corresponding to the Zoroastrian feasts (Add.26203, ff 162v-163)

The Akbarnāmah and Āʼīn-i Akbarī

Abū’l-Fażl is best known for his monumental history the Akbarnāmah which Akbar commissioned in 1589 as an official history of his reign. The first two volumes covered Akbar’s predecessors and birth, followed by the events of his reign up to the the end of the 46th regnal year (1601/1602). A third volume, the Ā’īn-i Akbarī  ‘Regulations of Akbar’, is usually treated as a separate work. It provided an encyclopedic geographical, historical and statistical account of the empire. It was the first work of its kind, based on private memoirs, imperial archives, and sources in many different languages. Although excessively flattering in style, it remained an invaluable reference source until replaced by the gazetteers of the 19th century.

This 18th century copy of the Āʼīn-i Akbarī illustrates one of Akbar’s inventions: a special wheel to be turned by a cow, which cleaned 16 matchlock barrels in quick succession (Add.5645, ff. 60v-61)
This 18th century copy of the Āʼīn-i Akbarī illustrates one of Akbar’s inventions: a special wheel to be turned by a cow, which cleaned 16 matchlock barrels in quick succession (Add.5645, ff. 60v-61)

 

Other works by Abū’l-Fażl

An early work which has not survived was Abū’l-Fażl’s commentary on the Āyat al-Kursī  ‘Throne Verse’ (Qurʼān, Surah 2, verse 255). He completed it in 985 (1575/76) and presented it to Akbar apparently with much approval. Another of his works was the ʻIyār-i dānish ‘Criterion of Knowledge’, a ‘simplified’ version in Persian of the popular Arabic stories Kalīlah wa Dimnah (originally derived from the Sanskrit Panchatantra). Although several Persian translations existed already, they were, as Abu'l-Fażl wrote, "full of rhetorical difficulties" and  abounding in "rare metaphors and difficult words" (Āʼīn-i Akbarī, book 1, Ā'īn 34).

The story of ‘The monkey and the turtle’ tells of a cross-species friendship which ends in betrayal as a result of the plotting of the turtle’s jealous wife. The moral is that women are not to be heeded, in case they ruin a good friendship between men. Leaf from the ʻIyār-i dānish dating from c. 1600 (Johnson Album 54, 36)
The story of ‘The monkey and the turtle’ tells of a cross-species friendship which ends in betrayal as a result of the plotting of the turtle’s jealous wife. The moral is that women are not to be heeded, in case they ruin a good friendship between men. Leaf from the ʻIyār-i dānish dating from c. 1600 (Johnson Album 54, 36)

Abū’l-Fażl also wrote prefaces for other royal commissions: a Persian translation of the Sanskrit epic the Mahābhārata, and the Tārīkh-i Alfī  ‘History of the Millennium’. Examples of both these works are included in the exhibition. Several posthumous collections of his letters have also survived: the Mukātabāt-i ʻAllāmī and the Ruqaʻāt-i Abū'l-Fażl.

 

Ursula Sims-Williams, Asian and African Studies

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Further reading

Abū’l-Fażl ʻAllāmī, The Akbarnama; translated by H. Beveridge. 3v. Calcutta: Asiatic Society, 1898-1939.

The Ain i Akbari; translated by H. Blochmann and H. S. Jarrett. 3v. Calcutta: Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1873-1894.

ʻAbd al-Qādir Badāʾūnī, Muntakhabu-t-tawārīkh; translated by G. Ranking, W. H. Lowe and W Haig. 3 v. Calcutta: Baptist Mission Press, 1898-1925.

All these three translations can be read online at: http://persian.packhum.org/persian/main

 

16 January 2013

Art of Painting

One of the greatest accomplishments of the Mughals was to initiate a new tradition of painting. Court historian Abu’l Fazl ibn Mubarak documented the emperor Akbar’s personal interest in the art of painting: ‘His Majesty, from his earliest youth, has shewn a great predilection for this art, and gives it every encouragement…. Hence the art flourishes, and many painters have obtained great reputation.’

Akbar established a formal artistic studio, led by Iranian artists brought to the subcontinent by his father Humayun. Here, painters and calligraphers collaborated and produced illustrated manuscripts and individual works including portraits. Primarily, these works were produced for the emperor’s private library, though princes and notable courtiers were also patrons of the arts.

Akbar invested considerable energy into the artistic studio that he established, known as the tasvir khana. It was led by eminent Iranian artists, but Akbar also recruited Hindu and Muslim artists from across the continent. At its peak, the royal studio employed more than 100 artists of varying skill. The initial eclectic range of styles harmoniously merged into a clearly identifiable Mughal style.

Major projects included the epic Hamzanama (Story of Amir Hamza); it took artists 15 years to complete its 1,400 paintings. Smaller projects included histories of the reigns of Akbar and Babur, Persian classics by the poets Nizami, Jami and Hafiz, as well as Persian translations of the Sanskrit epics Mahabharata and Ramayana.

Most of the individual paintings and illustrations found in manuscripts are painted on paper using opaque watercolours (mineral and earth pigments mixed with gum arabic as a binding medium), often highlighted with gold and/or silver.

Featured below is the colophon page of an imperial volume of the Khamsa (Five poems) by the poet Nizami made for the emperor Akbar. It features the features the portraits of the scribe 'Abd al-Rahim 'Anbarinqalam ('Sweet-pen') and the artist Daulat. This manuscript was copied by 'Anbarinqalam in 1595-96 and features 42 illustrations by master artists of the Mughal studio.

British Library, Or.12208, fol. 325v


British Library, Or.12208, fol. 325v  noc

 

Malini Roy  ccownwork
Visual Arts Curator

 

Further reading

J.P. Losty and Malini Roy, Mughal India: Art, Culture and Empire, British Library, 2012

S. Stronge, Painting for the Mughal Emperor, V&A Publications, 2002

M.C. Beach, The Imperial Image: Paintings for the Mughal Court, Mapin Publications, 2012

 

15 January 2013

A Hindu scholar's contribution to Persian literary studies

Tekchand’s autograph commentary on Saʻdī’s Būstān

For the literate classes in the Mughal empire, in order to ‘get on’ and enjoy good career prospects it was essential to master Persian, the language of administration and the dominant culture. This led to the production of many dictionaries, textbooks and reference works on Persian language, literature, and the writing of formal letters. Hindu authors played a major part in all this. We plan to return to this subject in future blog entries. Meanwhile, here is one salient example.

Among the Hindu scholars who enjoyed royal patronage was Tekchand Bahār whose best known work is Bahār-i ‘Ajam (‘Persian Springtime’), a glossary of expressions used by Persian poets. Tekchand’s erudition is no less amply illustrated in the autograph manuscript of another of his works, preserved at the British Library. (The only other known copy, in Lahore, is incomplete and dates from the 20th century; hence the question arises whether the Delhi lithograph edition of 1884 was made on the basis of our manuscript or of some other one of which the whereabouts are unknown.) This manuscript, Or. 16171, bears the title Bahār-i Būstān, meaning ‘Springtime of the Orchard’ and alluding (like the Bahār-i ‘Ajam) to the author’s penname, Bahār. The text is a commentary on the Būstān or ‘Orchard’ of Sa‘dī of Shīrāz (d. ca. 1292). This long poem, composed in Sa‘dī’s old age, is a masterpiece in which he distills his wisdom about life and ethical principles. 

A page of Tekchand's commentary. Here Sa'dī's original verses are in red followed by Tekchand's explanations (Or.16171, ff. 96v-97)
A page of Tekchand's commentary. Here Sa'dī's original verses are in red followed by Tekchand's explanations (Or.16171, ff. 96v-97)

From the colophon we learn that Tekchand completed his work, and this manuscript, at Delhi on Wednesday 21 Rabī ‘ al-Ākhir 1165: that is, 8 March 1752. Interestingly, Tekchand wrote the beginning of his preface on folios 1v-2r (the first two pages of the volume). But then, perhaps because he found that there were many alterations he wanted to make, he broke off on 2r and started afresh on 2v, the next page. Furthermore, the remainder of the manuscript contains a great number of notes and corrections in the author’s own hand – a good example of an autograph in which one can readily observe the writer’s orderly mind at work while enjoying the luxury of reading Tekchand’s clear and elegant nasta‘līq calligraphy.

Colophon of Bahār-i Būstān (Or.16171, f. 144r)
Colophon of Bahār-i Būstān (Or.16171, f. 144r)

This important manuscript came to light about ten years ago, in a box of dust-laden material that had long lain forgotten in the basement of Probsthain’s, a venerable orientalist bookseller in Bloomsbury. We curators continue to take every possible opportunity, as and when funds allow, to enrich still further the British Library’s world-famous collection of Persian manuscripts – not least those relating to Mughal studies.

 

Muhammad Isa Waley, Asian and African Studies

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